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UK-US Face Problems in Terror Suspect Extradition 

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by Raffaello Pantucci    


Monday, 19 July 2010 



European court refuses to withhold suspects from going into US custody. 

It is a strange quirk of fate that while on the one hand American and
British security operators work hand in hand against a common threat, their
governments seem unable to deport terrorist suspects between each other. As
the UK marked the fifth anniversary since July 7, 2005 when an Al Qaeda
trained suicide team attacked London, this reality came into focus as the
European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) blocked one extradition request and
the United States launched another. 

The first case is one which has been winding its way through the British
courts system since May 2004 when British police first arrested Abu Hamza in
furtherance of an extradition request by the United States. His extradition
was sought for his role in assisting a terror plot in Yemen in December 1998
which ended with the deaths of four hostages and the conviction of a group
of British Muslims (two of whom were directly related to him), his role in
facilitating introductions to the Taliban, and finally his role in
attempting to organize a terror training camp in Bly, Oregon. Co-conspirator
Haroon Rashid Aswat (who was brought into British custody on August 2005) is
also wanted in connection to the charges surrounding the Bly, Oregon
training camp case, while the other two, Babar Ahmad and Syed Talha Ahsan
(respectively arrested in August 2004 and July 2006), are instead wanted in
connection to a series of websites supporting terrorism that they are
alleged to have run. 

Aside from Abu Hamza, none of the men have been charged with crimes in the
United Kingdom - and at this point, Hamza has all but served the seven-year
charge he was handed down for inciting hatred in the United Kingdom. They
all remain in custody while their lawyers argue that the men cannot expect a
fair trial if they are deported to the United States, that they might be
subject to extraordinary rendition and that the terms under which they are
likely to be detained in the United States (most likely in the Federal
Supermax penitentiary ADX Florence in Colorado) would impinge on their human
rights. Last week, the ECHR in Strasbourg dismissed many of the men's
complaints, but admitted "the applicants' complaints concerning the length
of their possible sentences," and Aswat, Babar, and Ahsan's concerns about
being detained at ADX Florence, "cannot.be considered manifestly
ill-founded." Given Hamza's infirmities and a letter from the prison warden,
the court was prepared to believe that it was unlikely that he would be
spending much time in the jail and would instead be moved to a medical
facility. 

 The point of concern rests around the fact that it seems as though the
court is unsure whether the men's human rights are being breached if they
are going to be detained at ADX Florence under stringent circumstances in
which it can appear there is no possibility of parole or release. In essence
the ECHR is determining whether the U.S. penal system is compatible with
European human rights standards, something highlighted by one of the
suspect's lawyers in the Guardian newspaper. "It's a very important test of
whether the way the US treats its prisoners meets international standards." 

This something of a shift from previously, when the concerns were in part
focused on the official upturning of international norms that the previous
administration announced when President Bush declared that the "world had
changed" after the September 11 attacks. The decision to carry out
extraordinary renditions, abrogate the Geneva conventions for certain
prisoners and the establishment of Guantanamo Bay all created a legal
environment which might cast doubt on U.S. government reassurances. As the
applicant's case before the court put it, "It was not sufficient to rely on
the history of extradition arrangements with the United States, as the
[British] Government had done: the attitude of the United States Government
had changed fundamentally as a result of the events of 11 September 2001." 

In a move which no doubt provided some reassurance to governments on both
sides of the Atlantic, the court dismissed such concerns, stating, "Whatever
the breadth of the executive discretion enjoyed by the President in the
prosecution of the United States Government's counter-terrorism efforts, the
Court is unable to accept that he, or any of his successors, would commit
such a serious breach of his Government's assurances to an extradition
partner such as the United Kingdom; the United States' long-term interest in
honouring its extradition commitments alone would provide sufficient
dissuasion from doing so." 

This is in contrast to the case of Abid Naseer, who the British government
has already tried to deport to more contentious ally in the fight against
terrorism, Pakistan. Arrested on April 8, 2009 as part of a group of eleven
individuals picked up as part of a counter-terrorism operation codenamed
Pathway, Naseer has been repeatedly identified in the press and subsequent
official reports into the plot as being connected to Al Qaeda. In a previous
judgment which highlighted why he could not be deported to Pakistan, the
judges concluded, "we are satisfied that Naseer was an Al Qaeda operative
who posed and still poses a serious threat to the national security of the
United Kingdom." The same judgment concluded that due the high likelihood of
mistreatment if Naseer was returned to Pakistan having been exposed as an Al
Qaeda agent, the court "would not be willing to accept confidential
assurances as a sufficient safeguard against prohibited ill-treatment in a
state in which otherwise there was a real risk that it would occur." 

At the time of the decision, the government did not appear to react, failing
to even put Naseer on a control order (something which would have been
particularly awkward for the new government which had expressed a great
concern with the tactic). It now appears that this might have been part of a
knowing strategy to wait until the United States completed its superseding
set of charges linked to the so-called Subway Plot allegedly led by
Afghan-American Najibullah Zazi. It was already public knowledge that the
initial lead to Zazi had come from the United Kingdom, but it now appears as
though the United States has repaid the favor for the tip by using the
connection as grounds to include Naseer in the indictment linked to Zazi's
plot. In a press release put out on July 7th, the Department of Justice
alleged, "Naseer sent messages back and forth to the same email account that
'Ahmad' was using to communicate with the American-based al-Qaeda cell." 

Currently, all five men remain in British custody. While this may alleviate
security services concerns, in the longer term it is not sustainable that
individuals remain in jail without facing a jury. Officials in the UK
believe that the men will be eventually deported, but as Babar Ahmad pointed
out in an interview published the day after the decision by the ECHR,
"whilst in prison I have outlived the the Blair/Brown Labour Government,"
something which highlights how long he has been sitting in prison without
having been convicted of any crime. 

 



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