http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/18/AR2010081804
691.html?hpid=opinionsbox1

 

Skip the lecture on Israel's 'risks for peace'

By George F. Will
Thursday, August 19, 2010; A17 

JERUSALEM 

In the intifada that began in 2000, Palestinian terrorism killed more than
1,000 Israelis. As a portion of U.S. population, that would be 42,000,
approaching the toll of America's eight years in Vietnam. During the
onslaught, which began 10 Septembers ago, Israeli parents sending two
children to a school would put them on separate buses to decrease the chance
that neither would return for dinner. Surely most Americans can imagine,
even if their tone-deaf leaders cannot, how grating it is when those leaders
lecture Israel on the need to take "risks for peace." 

During Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's July visit to Washington, Barack
Obama praised him as "willing
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-obama-and-prim
e-minister-netanyahu-israel-joint-press-availabilit>  to take risks for
peace." There was a time when that meant swapping "land for peace" -- Israel
sacrificing something tangible and irrecoverable, strategic depth, in
exchange for something intangible and perishable, promises of diplomatic
normality. 

Strategic depth matters in a nation where almost everyone is or has been a
soldier, so society cannot function for long with the nation fully
mobilized. Also, before the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel within the borders
established by the 1949 armistice was in one place just nine miles wide, a
fact that moved George W. Bush to say: In Texas we have driveways that long.
Israel exchanged a lot of land to achieve a chilly peace with Egypt,
yielding the Sinai, which is almost three times larger than Israel and was
89 percent of the land captured in the process of repelling the 1967
aggression. 

The intifada was launched by the late Yasser Arafat -- terrorist and Nobel
Peace Prize winner -- after the July 2000 Camp David meeting, during which
then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak offered to cede control of all of Gaza and
more than 90 percent of the West Bank, with small swaps of land to
accommodate the growth of Jerusalem suburbs just across the 1949 armistice
line. 

Israelis are famously fractious, but the intifada produced among them a
consensus that the most any government of theirs could offer without
forfeiting domestic support is less than any Palestinian interlocutor would
demand. Furthermore, the intifada was part of a pattern. As in 1936 and
1947, talk about partition prompted Arab violence. 

In 1936, when the British administered Palestine, the Peel Commission
concluded that there was "an irrepressible conflict" -- a phrase coined by
an American historian to describe the U.S. Civil War -- "between two
national communities within the narrow bounds of one small country." And:
"Neither of the two national ideals permits" a combination "in the service
of a single state." The commission recommended "a surgical operation" --
partition. What followed was the Arab Revolt of 1936 to 1939. 

On Nov. 29, 1947, the United Nations recommended a partition plan. Israel
accepted the recommendation. On Nov. 30, Israel was attacked. 

Palestine has a seemingly limitless capacity for eliciting nonsense from
afar, as it did recently when British Prime Minister David Cameron referred
to Gaza as a "prison camp." In a sense it is, but not in the sense Cameron
intended. His implication was that Israel is the cruel imprisoner. Gaza's
actual misfortune is to be under the iron fist of Hamas, a terrorist
organization. 

In May, a
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/31/AR201005310
1209.html>  flotilla launched from Turkey approached Gaza in order to
provoke a confrontation with Israel, which, like Egypt, administers a
blockade to prevent arms from reaching Hamas. The flotilla's pretense was
humanitarian relief for Gaza -- where the infant mortality rate is lower and
life expectancy is higher than in Turkey. 

Israelis younger than 50 have no memory of their nation within the 1967
borders set by the 1949 armistice that ended the War of Independence. The
rest of the world seems to have no memory at all concerning the intersecting
histories of Palestine and the Jewish people. 

The creation of Israel did not involve the destruction of a Palestinian
state, there having been no such state since the Romans arrived. And if the
Jewish percentage of the world's population were today what it was when the
Romans ruled Palestine, there would be 200 million Jews. After a uniquely
hazardous passage through two millennia without a homeland, there are 13
million Jews. 

In the 62 years since this homeland was founded on one-sixth of 1 percent of
the land of what is carelessly and inaccurately called "the Arab world,"
Israelis have never known an hour of real peace. Patronizing American
lectures on the reality of risks and the desirableness of peace, which once
were merely fatuous, are now obscene. 

 



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