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02 Dec 10

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J. Peter PhamStrategic Interests

by J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.
World Defense Review columnist

Behind Iran's Foiled Gambian Gambit

 

His Excellency Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr. Yahya Abdul-Azziz Jemus Junkung
Jammeh, President of the Republic of The Gambia, Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces and Chief Custodian of the Sacred Constitution of The Gambia—to
give him his full official title—is, in many respects, the living, breathing
incarnation of the sort of tin-pot dictator of a banana republic who is best
encountered in an Evelyn Waugh novel like the wicked 1932 satire Black
Mischief. According to the curriculum vitae posted for him on his
government's official website <http://www.statehouse.gm/> , he possesses
only a high-school equivalency certificate. But the lack of formal higher
education has not prevented the former military policeman from styling
himself as an Islamic religious scholar, a university don, and the holder of
a doctorate. In fact, every one of the honorifics claimed by His Excellency
is lovingly recorded on the website, even risible distinctions "Awarded the
World Lifetime Achievement Award by the American Biographcal [sic]
Institute, Raleigh, North Carolina" (April 1999) as well as some rather
dubious ones for which no public record exist outside the Gambian web like
"Award of Admiral in the Great Navy of the State of Nebraska" (October
2010), "Appointed Honorary Admiral, Alabama State Navy by the Governor of
The State of Alabama" (March 1998), and "Appointed Honorary Citizen of the
State of Georgia" (November 1993). Although an outcry by health authorities
worldwide has forced him to remove references to his special
seven-herbs-and-spices banana "cure" for HIV/AIDS (officially dubbed the
"Presidential Treatment Programme") from his online biography, His
Excellency still notes under the heading "special skills" that he "possesses
extensive knowledge in traditional herbal therapy especially in the
treatment of Asthma and Epilepsy."

Despite these awesome credentials and quite remarkable qualities, the
Gambian leader also shares some of the same hobbies as more ordinary humans,
including "Playing Tennis, Playing Soccer, Hunting in the Forests, Reading,
Correspondence, Driving and Riding Motorcycles, Browsing the Internet,
Watching Music Movies, Animal Rearing and Keenly following world events." It
is fortunate that His Excellency is so keen on following events around the
globe since for once his slightly-larger-than-Delaware-sized country is in
the news—and not just for the comic relief that its appearances in the press
usually signal such as when, in September of this year, its state-controlled
media claimed
<http://observer.gm/africa/gambia/article/president-jammeh-bags-4-awards>
that "the president of the United States of America, Barrack [sic] Obama"
conferred on him the "President's Volunteer Call to Service Award" and the
"Platinum Award 2009 by President Barrack [sic] Obama." Last week Gambian
authorities issued a press release
<http://www.statehouse.gm/press-release-MOFA-Iran-Gambia-ties-sever_221110.h
tm>  that was actually noteworthy from the point of view of substance:

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians
Abroad wishes to hereby notify the general public that the Government of the
Republic of The Gambia has taken the decision to server [sic] all
diplomatic, economic, political and social ties with the Government of the
Islamic Republic of Iran effective 22nd November 2010. In this regard, all
Government of the Republic of The Gambia projects and programmes which were
being implemented in cooperation with the Government of the Islamic Republic
of Iran have been cancelled with immediate effect.

Consequently, all Iranian nationals representing the interest of the
Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran in The Gambia are being requested
to the leave The Gambia within forty-eight (48) hours from the effective
date stipulated through a notification that is issued to the Government of
the Islamic Republic of Iran.

While no explanation was given for the abrupt break, most analysts believe
it is linked to the seizure in late October by Nigerian officials of some
thirteen containers loaded with mortars, rockets, and other military-grade
armaments. The weapons cache, hidden within a larger shipment of
construction material, was transiting Lagos and bound for the Gambian
capital of Banjul. Four suspects, one Iranian and three Nigerians, were
arraigned on charges of arms trafficking before the Magistrate's Court in
Nigerian port city last Thursday. The Nigerians, who according to a report
in the Israeli newspaper
<http://www.haaretz.com/news/international/analysis-iran-s-african-adventure
-could-end-badly-at-the-un-1.326406> Haaretz had been tipped off by Western
intelligence, obviously did not buy the excuses proffered by Iranian Foreign
Minister Manouchehr Mottaki—who had just been in the region on a tour of
Burkina Faso, Ghana, Togo, and Benin—flew back to the West African country
in an attempt to mollify its angry officials. To add to the Iranian's
discomfiture, the Nigerians identified the Iranian they are holding, Azim
Aghajani, as a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and
have delivered a detailed inventory of the weapons shipment to the sanctions
committee of the United Nations Security Council as a possible violation of
the embargo on the Iran's arms trade. Compounding the humiliation for the
Iranians, on November 19, Nigeria's National Drug Law Enforcement Agency
(NDLEA) seized some 130 kilograms of heroin, worth about $10 million,
concealed in engine parts shipped from Iran.

What is interesting is that until the announcement of the cut in diplomatic
and economic ties, Jammeh of The Gambia had actually become quite chummy
with his equally eccentric Iranian counterpart, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The
latter has visited Gambia twice, in 2006 and 2009, while the former has
visited Iran once, in 2006. While the may not have seen much of each other
the Gambian and Iranian leaders forged significant ties since Ahmadinejad
took office in 2005. As part of his strategy to spread Iranian influence in
Africa, which I analyzed this year
<http://worlddefensereview.com/pham021810.shtml> , Ahmadinejad reached out
to the Gambians, citing the two countries' common experience of being
pressured by "bullying powers," the one because of its nuclear ambitions,
the other because of its abysmal human rights record (last year, for
example, Amnesty International reported
<http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/gambia-hundreds-accused-
%E2%80%9Cwitchcraft%E2%80%9D-and-poisoned-government-campaign-20>  that
1,000 Gambians were abducted from their homes by government-sponsored "witch
doctors" who forced them to drink a poisonous "cure" as part of a "witch
hunt" initiated by Jammeh after he suspected that his aunt had succumbed to
"witchcraft"). In the last five years, the Iranians have pumped more than $2
billion dollars into Gambia—roughly $1,000 for every man, woman, and child,
in the country—for an array of agricultural and other development projects.
In exchange, they received the diplomatic support of the tiny African nation
in their confrontations with the international community as well as access
to a territory that has increasingly been viewed as a significant hub for
transshipment, money laundering, and similar activities associated with the
burgeoning West African drug trafficking and other criminal networks
<http://worlddefensereview.com/pham012810.shtml> .

So what is going on? The explanation offered by some analysts that the arms
were destined for an attempt to overthrow Jammeh, who himself came to power
through a coup in 1994, when he was a 29-year-old lieutenant. However,
absent evidence of an earlier falling out with his Iranian friends, it is
improbable that even the fanatics of the IRGC would be trying to topple a
president on whom their regime had already invested so heavily. A more
plausible explanation is advanced by Essa Bokarr Sey, a former Gambian
ambassador to the United States, who suggested in a Voice of America
interview
<http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/Butty-Gambia-Iran-React-Sey-23no
vember10-110061394.html>  that the arms may have indeed been destined for
Banjul with Jammeh's full knowledge and that he only turned on the Iranians
after the shipment was seized in order to cover up for his involvement and
to limit the fallout from Western countries on which his tiny impoverished
state (according to the CIA's World Factbook 2010
<https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html> ,
Gambians tie with North Koreans in terms of GDP per capita) is heavily
dependent for aid for any sustained economic growth. Perhaps not
coincidentally, just this Monday, less than a week after the Iranians were
kicked out, a new U.S. ambassador, Pamela White, presented her credentials
to Jammeh. Ambassador White is a career Foreign Service officer who spent
most of her time serving in U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) positions.

In fact, as I noted in an interview with Bloomberg
<http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-11-23/gambia-s-government-severs-ties-wi
th-iran-orders-iranians-out-of-country.html> , the decision by Jammeh might
well have actually been rational. Gambia was already under scrutiny by the
U.S. Congress for its human rights record. Senator Patrick Leahy
(D-Vermont), chairman of the Subcommittee on the Department of State,
Foreign Operations, and Related Programs of the Senate Appropriations
Committee, had already introduced language into the foreign operations bill
for the current fiscal year that would limit International Narcotics Control
and Law Enforcement (INCLE) and International Military Education and
Training (IMET) funding to Gambia as well as mandate that the Treasury
Secretary "instruct the United States Executive Directors of the
international financial institutions to vote against any loan, agreement, or
other financial support for The Gambia" unless the Secretary of State
certifies significant progress has been made on human rights concerns. With
Republicans with strong national security interests controlling the House of
Representatives in the incoming Congress, being linked as an accomplice to
Iranian skullduggery would hardly improve Jammeh's standing in Washington.
Thus there may indeed be a kernel of truth in the claim by a senior member
of Iran's parliament that Gambia severed ties with the Islamic Republic as a
result of Western pressure aimed at stifling Iranian influence in Africa, as
Alaeddin Boroujerdi, head of the legislature's national security and foreign
policy committee, was quoted
<http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-11-24/gambia-cut-ties-with-iran-due-to-u
-s-pressure-donya-reports.html>  as asserting.

The question remains, as to what plot might the Iranian regime or, perhaps
more specifically, the IRGC been hatching. It is entirely possible that
Gambia had been viewed as a very convenient depot for their operations
throughout the region. While Banjul may seem a backwater, it is remarkably
better positioned to serve as a launch pad for operations than more isolate
areas. While it is presumed much of this infrastructure, including the
literally dozens of banks whose existence in the impoverished country ought
to set off alarms with international law enforcement agencies, is to support
the vast drug traffic, it could just as easily be adapted to facilitate arms
flows and other operations in furtherance of the Iran's revolutionary
agenda. The fact that, just last week, the Nigerians seized another illegal
shipment of arms, including more than 1,000 rounds of ammunition and eight
military vehicles, points to the ongoing nature of the challenge. And for
the Iranians, in the northwest corner of Africa, there are all-too-many
opportunities to simultaneously advance the strategic objective of expanding
influence far afield and profiting from a lucrative trade.

One final note: While the Iranian regime may have lost its convenient
pied-à-terre with Jammeh in Gambia, it can nevertheless console itself with
the knowledge that the door is still wide open right next door. Senegal,
whose octogenarian president has paid no fewer than four visits to his
Iranian counterpart in Tehran and has backed the latter's nuclear program,
is expecting to host yet another state visit by Ahmadinejad this month.
Maybe the Iranian president wants a tour of the grotesque 49-meter bronze
statue of "African Renaissance" that President Abdoulaye Wade paid the North
Koreans to erect for him since Ahmadinejad's previous call just a year ago,
but somehow cultural tourism is probably not the reason for the journey. In
November, President Wade's son, Karim—whom the old man made Senegal's
minister of state for international cooperation, regional development, air
transport, and infrastructure last year before adding the energy ministry to
his portfolio a few weeks ago—announced the signing of several agreements
with Tehran, including provisions for the creation of a joint investment
company and a commercial bank as well as a electrical monopoly covering some
423 towns and villages. Who knows what other, unannounced "joint ventures"
Tehran may have already launched with Wade fils, who seems to be no stranger
to Iran, having found the occasion to visit several times this year
according to reports in the French media. All this and more in a country
where the spigots are about to open on an ill-considered $540 million
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) aid package
<http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/aug/15/for-senegal-us-aid-164-ft-s
tatue/>  paid for by American taxpayers. Is it too much for the voters who
just elected the 112th Congress to expect that their representatives might
want to take a closer look at the behavior of and company kept by third
world rulers who claim handouts from the U.S. treasury at a time when
Americans themselves are being asked to tighten their belts?

 

— J. Peter Pham is Senior Vice President of the National Committee on
American Foreign Policy <http://www.ncafp.org/>  in New York City. He also
holds academic appointments as Associate Professor of Justice Studies,
Political Science, and African Studies at James Madison University
<http://www.jmu.edu/>  in Harrisonburg, Virginia, and non-resident Senior
Fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies
<http://www.defenddemocracy.org/>  in Washington, D.C. He currently serves
as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and
Africa (ASMEA) <http://www.asmeascholars.org/>  and Editor-in-Chief of its
refereed Journal of the Middle East and Africa
<http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/ujme> .

Dr. Pham has authored, edited, or translated over a dozen books and is the
author of over three hundred essays and reviews on a wide variety of
subjects in scholarly and opinion journals on both sides of the Atlantic. In
addition to the study of terrorism and political violence, his research
interests lie at the intersection of international relations, international
law, political theory, and ethics, with particular concentrations on the
implications for United States foreign policy and African states as well as
religion and global politics.

Dr. Pham has testified before the U.S. Congress on numerous occasions and
conducted briefings or consulted for the U.S. and foreign governments as
well as private firms. He has appeared in various media outlets, including
CBS, PBS, CBC, SABC, VOA, CNN, the Fox News Channel, MSNBC, National Public
Radio, the BBC, Radio France Internationale, the Associated Press, Reuters,
The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The
Washington Times, USA Today, Le Monde, National Journal, Newsweek, The
Weekly Standard, New Statesman, and Maclean's, among others

 



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