ANDREW C. McCARTHY

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FEBRUARY 26, 2011 4:00 A.M.

The OIC and the Caliphate 
The Islamic agenda is not coexistence, but dominion.

The Organization of the Islamic Conference is the closest thing in the
modern world to a caliphate. It is composed of 57 members (56 sovereign
states and the Palestinian Authority), joining voices and political heft to
pursue the unitary interests of the ummah, the world’s 1.4 billion Muslims.
Not surprisingly, the OIC works cooperatively with the Muslim Brotherhood,
the world’s most extensive and important Islamist organization, and one that
sees itself as the vanguard of a vast, grass-roots movement — what the
Brotherhood itself calls a “civilizational” movement.

Muslims are taught to think of themselves as a community, a single Muslim
Nation. “I say let this land burn. I say let this land go up in smoke,”
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini famously said of his own country in 1980, even
as he consolidated his power there, even as he made Iran the point of his
revolutionary spear. “We do not worship Iran, we worship Allah.” Muslims
were not interested in maintaining the Westphalian system of nation states.
According to Khomeini, who was then regarded by East and West as Islam’s
most consequential voice, any country, including his own, could be
sacrificed in service of the doctrinal imperative that “Islam emerges
triumphant in the rest of the world.”

Because of that doctrinal imperative, the caliphate retains its powerful
allure for believers. Nevertheless, though Islamists are on the march, it
has somehow become fashionable to denigrate the notion that the global
Islamic caliphate endures as a mainstream Islamic goal.

It was only a week ago that close to 2 million Muslims jammed Tahrir Square
to celebrate the triumphant return to Egypt of Sheikh Yusuf Qaradawi, a
Khomeini-esque firebrand who pulls no punches about Islam’s goal to “conquer
America” and “conquer Europe.” Yet, to take these threats seriously is now
to be dismissed as a fringe lunatic, a Luddite too benighted to grasp that
American principles reflect universally held truths — truths to which the
ummah, deep down, is (so we are told) every bit as committed as we are.

The caliphate is an institution of imperial Islamic rule under sharia,
Muslim law. Not content with empire, Islam anticipates global hegemony.
Indeed, mainstream Islamic ideology declares that such hegemony is
inevitable, holding to that belief every bit as sincerely as the End of
History crowd holds to its conviction that its values are everyone’s values
(and the Muslims are only slightly less willing to brook dissent). For
Muslims, the failure of Allah’s creation to submit to the system He has
prescribed is a blasphemy that cannot stand.

The caliphate is an ideal now, much like the competing ideal of a freedom
said to be the yearning of every human heart. Unlike the latter ideal, the
caliphate had, for centuries, a concrete existence. It was formally
dissolved in 1924, a signal step in Kemal Atatürk’s purge of Islam from
public life in Turkey. Atatürk, too, thought he had an early line on the End
of History. One wonders what he’d make of Erdogan’s rising Islamist Turkey.

What really dissolved the Ottoman caliphate was not anything so contemporary
as a “freedom agenda,” or a “battle for hearts and minds.” It was one of
those quaint military wars, waged under the evidently outdated notion that
Islamic enemies were not friends waiting to happen — that they had to be
defeated, since they were not apt to be persuaded.

It was, I suppose, our misfortune in earlier times not to have had the keen
minds up to the task of vanquishing “violent extremism” by winning a “war of
ideas.” We had to make do with dullards like Winston Churchill, who actually
thought — get this — that there was a difference worth observing between
Islamic believers and Islamic doctrine.

“Individual Muslims,” Churchill wrote at the turn of the century,
demonstrated many “splendid qualities.” That, however, did not mean Islam
was splendid or that its principles were consonant with Western principles.
To the contrary, Churchill opined, “No stronger retrograde force exists in
the world.” Boxed in by rigid sharia, Islam could only “paralyse the social
development of those who follow it.” Reason had evolved the West, but Islam
had revoked reason’s license in the tenth century, closing its “gates of
ijtihad” — its short-lived tradition of introspection. Yet, sharia’s
rigidity did not render Islam “moribund.” Churchill recognized the power of
the caliphate, of the hegemonic vision. “Mohammedanism,” he concluded,
remained “a militant and proselytising faith.”

As I recounted in
<http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_ss_i_0_15?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&f
ield-keywords=the+grand+jihad&sprefix=the+grand+jihad> The Grand Jihad,
Churchill’s views were not eccentric. A modern scholar of Islam, Andrew
Bostom, recalls the insights of C. Snouck Hurgronje, among the world’s
leading scholars of Islam during World War I. In 1916, even in the dark
hours of Ottoman defeat, he marveled at the grip the concept of Islamic
hegemony continued to hold on the Muslim masses:

It would be a gross mistake to imagine that the idea of universal conquest
may be considered as obliterated. . . . The canonists and the vulgar still
live in the illusion of the days of Islam’s greatness. The legists continue
to ground their appreciation of every actual political condition on the law
of the holy war, which war ought never be allowed to cease entirely until
all mankind is reduced to the authority of Islam — the heathen by
conversion, the adherents of acknowledged Scripture [i.e., Jews and
Christians] by submission.

Muslims, of course, understood the implausibility of achieving such
dominance in the near term. Still, Hurgronje elaborated, the faithful were
“comforted and encouraged by the recollection of the lengthy period of
humiliation that the Prophet himself had to suffer before Allah bestowed
victory upon his arms.” So even as the caliphate lay in ruins, the
conviction that it would rise again remained a “fascinating influence” and
“a central point of union against the unfaithful.”

Today, the OIC is Islam’s central point of union against the unfaithful.
Those who insist that the 1,400-year-old dividing line between Muslims and
non-Muslims is ephemeral, that all we need is a little more understanding of
how alike we all really are, would do well to consider the OIC’s
<http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/cairodeclaration.html> Cairo
Declaration of 1990. It is the ummah’s “Declaration of Human Rights in
Islam,” proclaimed precisely because Islamic states reject the 1948
Declaration of Human Rights promulgated by the United Nations under the
guidance of progressives in the United States and the West. That is, the
leaders of the Muslim world are adamant that Western principles are not
universal.

They are quite right about that. The Cairo Declaration boasts that Allah has
made the Islamic ummah “the best community . . . which gave humanity a
universal and well-balanced civilization.” It is the “historical role” of
the ummah to “civilize” the rest of the world — not the other way around.

The Declaration makes abundantly clear that this civilization is to be
attained by adherence to sharia. “All rights and freedoms” recognized by
Islam “are subject to the Islamic Shari’ah,” which “is the only source of
reference for [their] explanation or clarification.” Though men and women
are said by the Declaration to be equal in “human dignity,” sharia
elucidates their very different rights and obligations — their basic
inequality. Sharia expressly controls freedom of movement and claims of
asylum. The Declaration further states that “there shall be no crime or
punishment except as provided for in Shari’ah” — a blatant reaffirmation of
penalties deemed cruel and unusual in the West. And the right to free
expression is permitted only insofar as it “would not be contrary to the
principles of Shari’ah” — meaning that Islam may not be critically examined,
nor will the ummah abide any dissemination of “information” that would
“violate sanctities and the dignity of Prophets, undermine moral and ethical
Values, or disintegrate, corrupt or harm society, or weaken its faith.”

Americans were once proud to declare that their unalienable rights came from
their Creator, the God of Judeo-Christian scripture. Today we sometimes seem
embarrassed by this fundamental conceit of our founding. We prefer to trace
our conceptions of liberty, equality, free will, freedom of conscience, due
process, privacy, and proportional punishment to a humanist tradition,
haughty enough to believe we can transcend the transcendent and arrive at a
common humanity. But regardless of which source the West claims, the ummah
rejects it and claims its own very different principles — including, to this
day, the principle that it is the destiny of Islam not to coexist but to
dominate.

We won’t have an effective strategy for dealing with the ummah, and for
securing ourselves from its excesses, until we commit to understanding what
it is rather than imagining what it could be.

—  Andrew C. McCarthy, a senior fellow at the National Review Institute, is
the author, most recently, of
<http://www.nationalreview.com/redirect/amazon.p?j=1594033773> The Grand
Jihad: How Islam and the Left Sabotage America.

 



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