http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8072/civis-sinicus-sum-chinas-great-power-burdens-in-libya

 


Civis Sinicus Sum: China's Great Power Burdens in Libya


JONAS PARELLO-PLESNER | 03 MAR 2011
 <http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/briefings> BRIEFING


Great powers are sometimes molded by events as much as, if not more than, by 
grand strategy. In 1898, the United States -- at the time an isolationist and 
anti-colonial power -- entered onto the world stage after Spain allegedly sank 
the USS Maine in Havana Harbor. The commercial adventures of the East India 
Company compelled the British state to intervene in China, sparking the Opium 
Wars, while in 1850, the British foreign secretary, Lord Palmerston, ordered 
the British navy into the Aegean in order to protect a British subject, Don 
Pacifico, and reclaim his lost property. All were defining historical moments, 
even if they were identified as such only in retrospect. They demonstrate that 
the greater a rising power's economic interests in a foreign land and the more 
nationals it has involved there, the more likely it will feel compelled to act 
should events threaten either.

Libya might be such a defining moment for China. The veto-wielding Security 
Council member joined the international community this weekend in voting for a 
U.N. resolution that includes a travel ban; an asset freeze on Moammar Gadhafi 
and his family; and a referral of the situation to the International Criminal 
Court. All of this behavior is novel and unusual for China. 

But recent events in Libya have made China bend its cherished principle of 
nonintervention, most pressingly by forcing it to launch its biggest-ever 
rescue mission of Chinese nationals. Some 35,000 Chinese citizens in Libya are 
in the process of being rescued, with the majority already out of the country. 
A Chinese frigate that was participating in anti-piracy operations in the Gulf 
of Aden has been deployed in the rescue efforts. Four Chinese military 
transport planes were also sent. When these planes lifted off from Xinjiang, it 
marked a new departure for China as a great power, symbolizing Beijing's 
realization that respect for national sovereignty sometimes has to be squared 
with pragmatic solutions to pressing problems.   

This is in stark contrast to 2007, when China vetoed a U.N. resolution 
criticizing Myanmar. Then, the Chinese ambassador swept the issue under the 
rug, stating, "No country is perfect." China also routinely blocks 
international action over other intransigent governments like Zimbabwe and 
North Korea. 

Now, in Libya, China seems to be promoting the doctrine of the "responsibility 
to protect" -- a doctrine Beijing has traditionally feared might be used 
against it regarding its own dispute-ridden provinces. China has not conceded 
on all of its red lines, of course. Beijing was reluctant to suspend Libya's 
membership on the U.N. Human Rights Council and insisted that doing so  
<http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-03/02/c_13756411.htm> did not 
represent a precedent. It is also dragging its feet on the establishment of a 
no-fly zone over Libya, an option now being discussed by the U.S. and its 
partners outside the U.N.  

At the outset, China eyed the revolutions in the Middle East cautiously. 
Tunisia resembled a miniature China,  
<http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/7601/tunisia-confronts-its-contradictions>
 with an authoritarian regime and relatively high growth. Chinese officials 
tried to let the issue slip under the radar, in order to prevent sparking 
internal debates about the value of the Beijing consensus abroad and -- even 
worse -- at home.

On Egypt, official Chinese press coverage was directed mainly toward efforts to 
get Chinese nationals out of the country. Their numbers -- around 1,800 -- were 
far smaller than in Libya, but Chinese rescue efforts there included the 
evacuation of around 300 Taiwanese, giving Beijing the perfect opportunity for 
positive press spin in China. This also served to divert Chinese press coverage 
away from sensitive issues about democracy and social change.  
 
Beijing's ambition was to continue promoting a similar press line on Libya, but 
Gadhafi's violent struggle to hold onto power made that impossible. By throwing 
the country into chaos, the Libyan leader made the orderly evacuation of 
Chinese nationals more difficult. In so doing, Gadhafi infringed on China's 
most holy principle: stability. Some nations are carrying out rescue operations 
without the full consent of the Libyan authorities simply because there is 
either no one to ask or no one able to answer with authority. Although it has 
not reported any such operations, China has probably faced similar difficulties 
in effecting its own evacuations, adding to the novelty of the current mission 
for Beijing by further reducing its compliance with the traditional principles 
of nonintervention and sovereignty.   

What explains China's change of tack on Libya? Had Beijing blocked action at 
the U.N. while having difficulty getting its nationals out of a chaotic 
situation, it would have had a tough time selling its policies as a success to 
domestic audiences. China's desire to enhance its international respectability 
also plays a role. The Libyan situation comes at an opportune time for China to 
attempt  
<http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/7988/foreign-policy-incoherence-limits-chinas-power-in-asia>
 to reverse the image it acquired in Asia during 2010, its annus horribilus. 
China spent much of last year being portrayed in the region -- rightly or 
wrongly -- as an overly assertive bad neighbor.  

The need to protect its economic interests and nationals abroad are thus giving 
China's foreign policy a new twist. Trends like these will bring China further 
out into the world and test its principles, just as broadening interests 
changed the behavior of the U.K. and the U.S. in preceding centuries. In 1850, 
Lord Palmerston compared British subjects to a citizen of ancient Rome, who 
could proudly assert his rights by announcing "Civis Romanus sum" -- "I am a 
Roman citizen." According to Lord Palmerston, "a British subject, in whatever 
land he may be, shall feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm 
of England will protect him from injustice and wrong." 

China's citizens are starting to feel the same need for protection all over the 
globe, forcing Beijing to shoulder one of the many burdens of great-power 
status. This time around, it is a burden that coincides perfectly with Western 
interests. 

Jonas Parello-Plesner is a senior policy fellow at the European Council on 
Foreign Relations. He has worked for the Danish government as a senior adviser 
for China and Northeast Asia, and directed an NGO in the international 
development field. 

Photo: The Chinese navy destroyer Harbin (U.S. Navy photo)



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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