The Mind of Muammar
What can we learn from reading the Libyan dictator's Green Book?
BY CHRISTINA LARSON | APRIL 5, 2011
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/04/05/the_mind_of_muammar%20?page
=full

Since Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi's Green Book was published in three
installments -- in 1975, 1976, and 1978 -- every Libyan child has had to
study it in school; but many, perhaps most, Libyans make fun of it in
secret. Western analysts have tried to tease out the book's logic on
governance, searching for clues to the intellectual influences on Libya's
eccentric strongman, but this is perhaps an overly optimistic endeavor. As
Diederik Vandewalle, a professor at Dartmouth College, expert on Libya, and
editor of Qadhafi's Revolution 1969-1994, puts it: "A lot of it is pretty
convoluted; it's not a book so much as a collection of aphorisms."

In the early 1970s, shortly after he came to power in a 1969 military coup,
Qaddafi began to give speeches laying out his ideas on "Arab socialism," or
how he thought the ideal Arab state should be governed. Libya at the time
was very much a divided, tribal society, Vandewalle explains; but ideas of
pan-Arabism were beginning to taking hold in the region, following Gamal
Abdel Nasser's 1952 ascension to power in Egypt. Qaddafi's 1970s speeches
also included, as his book does, recurrent themes of what Vandewalle terms
"anti-Westernism, the value of Arab society, and prescribed roles that
people in a society should play."

Whose thinking directly influenced Qaddafi's writing? There are very few
external references in the text. Qaddafi, who spent his childhood near the
small desert settlement of Sirte, studied at a Muslim elementary school and
later under a private tutor before enrolling in the Libyan military academy
in 1961. "A lot of Western intellectuals once tried to put a gloss on him,"
says Vandewalle, "finding passages that to them appeared to reference
earlier works and asking, 'Is this a reference to Rousseau?' But that's
silly. Qaddafi has never been a very well-read man. He was not very
well-educated. The Green Book is pure homespun ideology."

With that, dear reader, we present to you some of the Green Book's greatest
hits. Najla Abdurrahman, an FP contributor and Ph.D. candidate at Columbia
University, whose parents emigrated from Libya and who has spent much time
back in the country observing Libya from the ground up, has provided some
contextual information about life in Libya today. No doubt the country has
changed over the past four decades, but Qaddafi's required reading hasn't.

Qaddafi on democracy:

"The mere existence of a parliament means the absence of the people, but
true democracy exists only through the participation of the people, not
through the activity of their representatives. Parliaments have been a legal
barrier between the peoples and the exercise of authority, excluding masses
from power while usurping sovereignty in their place...

"The Green Book presents the solution to the problem of the instrument of
governing. It indicates for the people the way to pass from the eras of
dictatorship to the eras of genuine democracy. This new theory is based on
the authority of the people, without representation or deputation. It
realizes direct democracy in an orderly and effective form. It differs from
the older attempt at direct democracy, which could not be applied in
practice and which was frivolous."

Although seen in the West as a ruthless autocrat, in Qaddafi's own mind he
is an avatar of an idealized form of mass democracy, eschewing the confusing
bureaucracy of a representative system. The official Arabic title of the
Libyan state includes the term jamahiriya -- a word that Qaddafi made up,
which he says comes from the word for "republic." A rough translation of
jamahiriya would be something akin to "state of the masses." As such,
Qaddafi insists that he has no official position in Libya; he claims that he
stepped down from power in 1977 and that the people rule themselves.

Few in Libya, perhaps not even his close clique of hard-line supporters,
believe Qaddafi's assertions, but as Abdurrahman points out, his leverage as
unofficial supreme leader is hard to contest, given that he controls the
country's military and, until recently, virtually every facet of life in the
country.

Qaddafi on free speech:

"The natural person has freedom to express himself even if, when he is mad,
he behaves irrationally to express his madness. The corporate person is also
free to express his corporate identity...

"Any newspaper owned by an individual is his own and expresses only his
point of view. Any claim that a newspaper represents public opinion is
groundless."

Before Qaddafi came to power, several independent newspapers existed in
Libya. All have since been shut down. For many years, there was only one
state-run TV station in Libya, which aired, as Abdurrahman relates, mainly
soap operas and historical dramas featuring people riding horses, living in
tents, and singing in the desert -- reflections of Qaddafi's idealized
notion of a pre-modern Bedouin society. (When official guests come to visit,
Qaddafi insists on meeting them not in his palaces, but in a tent in the
desert.) Of course, "that is not at all what Libya is like today,"
Abdurrahman says; those who can afford satellite dishes try to pick up
international channels instead.

A few years ago, Qaddafi's son, Saif al-Islam, started a second TV station
airing somewhat more contemporary programming, but his father later had it
shut down. Saif did succeed in starting and keeping alive two newspapers,
but despite initial optimism about them in the West, the papers hardly
publish any news critical of the government.

Qaddafi on gender:

"The physical structure, which is naturally different between man and woman,
leads to differences in the functions of their different organs which lead
in turn to differences in the psyche, mood, nerves, and appearance. A woman
is tender. A woman is pretty. A woman weeps easily. A woman is easily
frightened. In general woman is gentle and man is tough by virtue of their
inbred nature. To ignore differences between man and woman and mix their
roles is an absolutely uncivilized attitude...

"Woman is female and man in male. According to a gynecologist, woman
menstruates or suffers feebleness every month, while man, being a male, does
not menstruate and he is not subject to the monthly period which is a
bleeding. A woman, being a female, is naturally subject to monthly bleeding.
When a woman does not menstruate, she is pregnant."

On paper, Libya's laws are fairly egalitarian, at least compared with many
Arab states, as Abdurrahman points out. Women are allowed to drive and work;
indeed, more women graduate from universities in Libya than men. Yet others
forms of social restrictions and discrimination are firmly entrenched.
According to an extensive report from Human Rights Watch, the Libyan
government has established numerous so-called "social rehabilitation"
facilities, where girls and women dubbed as vulnerable -- financially or
morally -- have been held in detention for years without appeal.

For his own part, Qaddafi has long seemed obsessed with gender. He has
spoken sporadically about women's "rights" over the years -- and also,
confusingly, about their prescribed place in society. Apparently, he has
also sought out experts on the female anatomy (one of the few explicit
references to an outside source of any sort in the Green Book is "according
to a gynecologist"). Famously, he surrounds himself with a corps of
all-female bodyguards.

Qaddafi on race:

"The black race is now in a very backward social situation. But such
backwardness helps to bring about numerical superiority of the blacks
because their low standard of living has protected them from getting to know
the means and ways of birth control and family planning. Also their backward
social traditions are a reason why there is no limit to marriage, leading to
their unlimited growth, while the population of other races has decreased
because of birth control, restrictions on marriage, and continuous
occupation in work...

"Now comes the black race's turn to prevail."

Qaddafi's views on race are confusing, to say the least. As Vandewalle
points out, it was after Qaddafi felt rejected by leaders of other Arab
countries -- who suspected he might be more than a loose cannon -- that he
focused on forging allegiances with sub-Saharan Africa. Today, Qaddafi has
much better ties with the African Union, which he chaired in 2009, than with
the Arab League, which recently supported the U.N. Security Council
resolution that authorized the intervention in Libya. At the same time, he
has continued to express racist, highly stereotyped views of African people.

Of course, the mixed feelings are mutual: See Ugandan President Yoweri
Museveni's essay for FP, "The Qaddafi I Know," for some interesting takes on
the difference between black Africans and Qaddafi.

Qaddafi on equality:

"The skillful and industrious have no right to take hold of the share of
others as a result of their skill and industry. But they can benefit from
these advantages. Also if a person is disabled or lunatic, it does not mean
that he does not have the same share as the healthy in the wealth of the
society.

"The vehicle is a necessity both to the individual and the family. Your
vehicle should not be owned by others. In the socialist society, no man or
any other authority can possess private vehicles for the purpose of hiring
them out, for this is domination of the needs of others.

"Land is no one's property. But everyone has the right to use it, to benefit
from it by working, farming, or pasturing."

Qaddafi's economic ideas -- which bear shadows of Karl Marx, whether or not
he ever read Marx -- revolve around the notion that no one should work for
anyone else, a theme often returned to in the Green Book, because then the
employers have power over the employed. Instead of wageworkers, all men and
women should be partners. In theory, Qaddafi espouses hyper-utopian
equality.

In reality, as Libya's unofficial leader, he has erected elaborate palaces
for himself and his family, but done little to tend to the basic needs of
the people or infrastructure of the country. The roads are bad; the schools
are bad; the hospitals are bad. "There's so much neglect," says Abdurrahman.
Many people in need of basic medical treatment travel to countries with
lower per capita GDP levels, such as Tunisia, because of superior health
care there. Despite his prescriptions for a property-less society, in
practice Qaddafi is known for confiscating farmland on a whim, forcing
families to move and engendering seething resentment over generations. As
for his notion that no one should own their own vehicles, the Libyan rebels
in their pickup trucks have apparently not heeded this advice.

Qaddafi on spectator sports:

"Sport is like praying, eating, and the feeling of warmth and coolness. It
is stupid for crowds to enter a restaurant just to look at a person or a
group of person eating; it is stupid for people to let a person or a group
of persons get warmed or enjoy ventilation on their behalf. It is equally
illogical for the society to allow an individual or a team to monopolize
sports while the people as a whole pay the costs."

Given the fact that Libya fields national and club soccer teams and Olympic
athletes, this proclamation against the phenomenon of spectator sports -- of
fans rooting for a team or cheering on star athletes -- seems puzzling. One
explanation, suggests Vandewalle, may be that this is a kind of subtle
anti-Western declaration, or perhaps another expression of Qaddafi's
egalitarian notion of people participating in all forms of society equally.

Another potential explanation, which Abdurrahman suggests, is this: "Qaddafi
is a jealous man; there are no celebrities in Libya -- no intellectuals, no
well-known artists or athletes. Qaddafi craves absolute attention; you can
see it in the things he says, the things he wears. He doesn't want to ever
share the spotlight." Indeed, when Libya's soccer team does compete against
other national teams, announcers are forbidden from reading aloud the Libyan
players' individual names. 

....................................................................

05-Apr-2011
LIBYA: Climax or Anti-Climax? 
By B. Raman 
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers45%5Cpaper4411.html

(To be read in continuation of the following articles of mine: 

(a) March 22 LIBYA: Increasing Confusion
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers44/paper4392.html 

(b) March 20,2011 Libya: Obama's Iraq
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers44/paper4388.html 

(c) March 19,2011 LIBYA: Options for India & Russia
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers44/paper4387.html 

(d) February 28,2011,Gaddafi's Continuing Defiance
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers44/paper4355.html) 

The Western campaign ---- by exploiting the fig leaf cover of the UN
Security Council Resolution 1973 for protecting civilians in Libya--- to
work for a regime change in Libya has come face to face with three
disturbing ground realities within a fortnight of the launching of the
military campaign: 

Ground Reality No.1: The campaign has been exploited by Gaddafi to
skillfully transform what was a civil war between his supporters and
opponents into a war of national resistance against foreign invaders from
the West, who are projected as the modern day crusaders. He has been able to
successfully appeal to the sense of patriotism of the soldiers of his Army
and para-military units. The results: His soldiers are fighting with greater
skill and greater competence than those of the rebel armies. The initial
gains made by the rebels under the air and missile cover provided by the US
and other NATO countries have been reversed in many places. Desertions from
the Libyan security forces, which were threatening to gather momentum before
the Western military campaign, have practically stopped. 

Ground Reality No 2: US military commanders have started developing a
feeling of disquiet that they have rushed to the help of a rebel army about
which they know so little. The disquiet has been caused by a gnawing
realization that some of the rebels had fought with Al Qaeda in Iraq and are
Iraq returnees. There was never much love lost between Gaddafi and Osama bin
Laden. They strongly disliked each other. Gaddafi saw to it that Al Qaeda
did not develop roots in Libya. He prevented those Libyans who had gone to
Iraq from coming back to Libya. The suspicion that some of these Libyans of
Iraqi vintage have now come back to Libya and have joined the anti-Gaddafi
groups has created fears that the Libyan misadventure might provide fresh
oxygen to Al Qaeda. The good rebels vs the bad rebels syndrome has started
haunting NATO military commanders. 

Ground Reality No 3: An unanticipated outcome has been the feeling in Iran
and North Korea that Gaddafi was unwise in surrendering his nuclear option
under Western pressure. While Iran has not publicly expressed this feeling,
North Korea has not concealed it. It is being pointed out that if Gaddafi
had retained Libya's nuclear option, the West would not have dared to
intervene. Gaddafi's experience is being cited as an argument to justify
North Korea's resisting the US pressure to give up its nuclear option. The
impact on the USA's non-proliferation campaign is going to be negative.
After what happened in Libya, Iran and North Korea would be even more
determined than in the past to resist US pressure on this issue. 

2. There are signs of a re-think in the West on the advisability of carrying
on the campaign in its present form. The US has reportedly stopped firing
Cruise and other missiles against Libyan Govt. positions. Air strikes have
been reduced in intensity. So too, the anti-Gaddafi rhetoric. The US seems
to be looking for a face-saving solution. Will Gaddafi provide a face-saving
formula? Like Saddam Hussain, he is a defiant fighter who is prepared to
fight till the bitter end if that becomes necessary. Unlike Saddam, he is
amenable to compromise solutions which would safeguard his position, protect
Libyan national interests and prevent an irreparable breach with the West.
One saw these qualities in the way he handled the nuclear issue. 

3. Is the Libyan imbroglio moving towards an interesting climax or
anti-climax? 

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of
India, New Delhi, and , presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies,
Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail:
[email protected] <mailto:seventyone2%40gmail.com> 





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