http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/publications/id.9241/pub_detail.asp

 

April 14, 2011


Monica Lewinsky in Libya


Obama Did Not Have Sex with That Country (And NATO Can't)

 <http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/authors/id.192/author_detail.asp>
Ralph Peters


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Comments (11)
<http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/publications/comments.asp?id=9241> 

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/imgLib/20110112_RALPHPETERSBANNER.jpg

 

A wary US president is a good thing, but a fearful one is a disaster: You
can’t make love, war or reforms part way, then pull back, skulk about and
cross your fingers that no one will catch you out.

 

In the defining event of his presidency, Bill Clinton wanted to have sex
with a chubby young intern, but was afraid. Instead of manning up—either
through self-restraint or bold self-indulgence—he tried to split the
difference, satisfying his desires with partial measures. The result was a
stain on a blue dress and an indelible stain on the presidency, a disastrous
slop of lies, word-play, excuses and shabby cowardice.

 

In a crucial action of his presidency, Barack Obama wanted to intervene in a
humanitarian disaster created by an American-killing terrorist chieftain. He
did not want a Rwanda on his conscience (as the scurrilous Mr. Clinton has
on his). So far, so good.

 

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/imgLib/20110413_Monica.jpg

 

But Obama agonized over whether or not to embrace the problem fully—just as
Clinton worried about how far he could get away with going with a bedazzled
junior staffer in a closet. After missing the window when the Libyan butcher
Moammar Khaddafi was reeling and could have been shoved out by a timely show
of force, Obama waited until the terror-dictator regained his footing and
determination. Then our president tried to stick it in half-way.

 

Is this a war? Depends on what your definition of “is” is. Obama made a
belated display of bravado, appearing to stand erect, before hunching his
shoulders and rapidly walking it back, insisting that this would be a NATO
operation and that he didn’t really have sex—well, war—with Libya.

 

Now, as I write, we may hope that events unseat Colonel Khaddafi, but we’ve
blown our shot at a crisp end to the crisis. NATO is in the skies, but the
struggle is on the ground. Meanwhile, the alliance is a finger-pointing
muddle, with Britain and France admirably committed to Khaddafi’s removal:
middling countries sending aircraft, but restricting their use to
uselessness; Germany undercutting its closest allies; and Turkey
demonstrating, once again, that it no more belongs in the Atlantic Alliance
than does North Korea (an unfair comparison, of course, since North Korea is
honest about its hostility toward freedom and human rights, while Turkey’s
Islamist government says one thing, then does another).

 

On the military side, the bottom line is twofold: First, when you fail to
act promptly, the price of resolution soars. We need a commander-in-chief,
not a ditherer-in-chief. And we need a president who, whatever his decision,
makes up his mind resolutely, and damn the political torpedoes. But the
dominant characteristic of the Obama presidency is not really a socialist
bent, but moral cowardice.

 

The second, immediate point is that only the U.S. Armed Forces have the
fully skilled pilots, the right aircraft mix, the appropriate weaponry, and
the support infrastructure to execute an air operation, such as that over
Libya, with a reasonable hope of avoiding a quagmire. But we told Khaddafi
we were going to take our football and go home.

 

Of course, air power never really lives up to the claims made by defense
contractors and fighter pilots. It does, however, have a powerful
psychological effect, if used boldly and promptly. Obama failed on both
counts, and Khaddafi remains defiant.

 

You either bang the intern, or you don’t. You either depose the dictator, or
you don’t. But going half-way just opens you up to all the penalties,
without the satisfaction. Although the word is horribly unfashionable in the
Obama era, we need a “manly” president. George W. Bush was mocked viciously
for his colloquial English when he declared, “I’m the decider.” But a
decider is exactly what a president must be. An equivocator—a Hamlet—in the
Oval Office is bad news not just for American citizens, but for the world.

 

All that said, I believe—firmly—that Obama was right to intervene in Libya.
It’s only a shame that he tried to split the difference with himself, first
shooting, then scooting, playing to one constituency after another with
breathtaking ineptitude. Just as President Bush did a great thing in Iraq,
but did it poorly, so Obama did a good thing in Libya, but did it
incompetently.

 

And it is only honest and honorable to acknowledge that resisting Khaddafi’s
impulse to massacre rebels fed up with his rule is, in and of itself, a wise
and virtuous act. Obama can be criticized for how he did it, but not for
doing it. Those who criticize everything Obama does just because it’s Obama
at the wheel fall into the same trap the left fell into under President
Bush: Had Bill Clinton deposed Saddam Hussein, the left would have
celebrated him as the greatest liberator since Abraham Lincoln. But ridding
the world of Saddam was bad because Bush did it. Likewise, had Bush taken on
Khaddafi, the right would have cheered. What happened to the conservative
position, espoused during our Iraq intervention, that politics should stop
at the water’s edge?

 

Equally troubling, if not more so, is the willful blindness and hypocrisy I
encounter among my conservative brethren when it comes to the freedom
uprisings rocking the Arab world: This is what we said we wanted. What Bush
began in Iraq is playing out now in Libya, Syria, Egypt, Tunisia…the
struggle for basic human rights and democracy was the strategic point,
wasn’t it?

 

Yet, we hear nonsensical claims that, well, Bashar al Assad really isn’t so
bad, that Syria has kept the peace, that what comes after might be worse.
And we hear the same nonsense regarding Khaddafi. That’s like arguing that
we should have kept Hitler in power because what might come after him could
be worse. In Khaddafi’s case, he backed or directly ordered terrorist acts
that, until the advent of al Qaeda, killed more Americans than any other
sponsor of terror. In Assad’s tenure, Syria has backed Hezbollah, ravaged
Lebanon, supplied Hamas with arms and harbored its leadership, protected
Saddam’s top Ba’athists, undercut all peace efforts, enabled terrorists to
enter Iraq and base their command posts safely in Syria…

 

And by the way: Hosni Mubarak of Egypt wasn’t our buddy, either. He took our
money, quietly empowered the Muslim Brotherhood—as long as it didn’t
challenge him—played the anti-Israelis card domestically, and oppressed
80-million people. We’re damned lucky that the Egyptians who came out to
protest in unprecedented masses weren’t waving anti-American signs, too.

 

This is a time of great opportunity. And we’re led by a frightened
small-time politician the media put in the White House.

 

Conservatives should be leading the way in these stunning developments,
grasping opportunities wherever they appear. Instead, we hear addled longing
for the status quo—even though the status quo gave us al Qaeda. Make no
mistake: Change was long overdue in the Middle East. It was inevitable,
merely a question of when and how. Now it’s here. We can either wring our
hands and weep for the past (as Islamists do), or we can do what we can to
facilitate the emergence of rule-of-law democracies.

 

Of course, the process is going to be messy, ugly, frustrating and sometimes
alarming, as well as inspiring. But how could we stop it? Should we have
invaded Egypt to keep Mubarak in power? Don’t like the freedom protests?
Tell me exactly how you intend to stop them. And do we really want to stand
on the side of the dying dictatorships that played into the hands of
Islamist extremists? The old regimes with their repression were al Qaeda’s
number-one recruiting aids. We need to calm down and regain some
perspective.

 

The events in the Middle East this year will reverberate for decades. Most
of us will be dead before the region settles itself into a functional new
order (if it ever does). But unless you can pose a concrete alternative
plan, it’s time to get on the right side of history. And that is the side of
freedom, however imperfect.

 

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/imgLib/20110414_ObamaHamlet.jpg

 

“To bomb, or not to bomb...or something in between?"

 

Back to Libya…I’ve been appalled by the blusterers who argue that we can’t
intervene everywhere, therefore it makes no sense to intervene anywhere.
There’s no serious strategic logic in that. Just because you can’t yet fix
the crack in the basement doesn’t mean there’s no point in plugging the hole
in the roof. In the real world, you do what must be done, and you do what
you can. But the inability to cure cancer doesn’t mean there’s no point in
fighting tuberculosis. Positive change is incremental, and the world is only
rarely an all-or-nothing place.

 

Finally, we’ve all heard the shrill cries that “Libya has no strategic value
to the United States.” Usually, we hear this from ultra-conservatives who
have no foreign-policy experience, or from exhausted bureaucrats overwhelmed
by the futility of Obama’s campaign-promise war in Afghanistan (a place that
truly lacks strategic value). But, really, this charge is just a knee-jerk
reaction to the fact that Obama was the guy who pulled the trigger this
time.

 

There are four major reasons why Libya was and is worth doing (if only we
had done it promptly and well…): First, the humanitarian concerns were real.
What do we stand for, if we watch civilians rise against monstrous regimes
in the name of freedom, then avert our eyes as their dictators gun them
down? Second, while we can’t intervene everywhere (Syria’s just too hard,
while Yemen’s too hopeless), Libya was the crucial case. Had we allowed
Khaddafi to butcher his own citizens with impunity, it would have sent a
message to dictators around the world that, if your people get uppity, it’s
okay to slaughter them—from Beijing to Caracas, then enemies of freedom
would have rejoiced. Third, a Khaddafi win would have shut down the freedom
movements throughout the Middle East, as other strongmen cracked down—and
these are genuine freedom struggles in search of basic rights and economic
opportunity, not some deep plot by Muslim extremists. Fourth, oil. Naïve
ideologues have been bellowing that Libya’s oil goes to Europe, not us.
True. But the world’s oil markets are interconnected. Take Libya’s oil
off-line for years (under sanctions), and the Europeans have to compete with
us and the Chinese for what remains on the market. Don’t like
four-buck-a-gallon gas? You’ll love it at ten-bucks-per-gallon. With the
largest oil reserves on the African continent, do we really want to leave
Libya under the control of Colonel Khaddafi. History has a sense of humor
folks: The left charged Bush, incorrectly, with going to war for oil. But
it’s the left’s president, Obama, who really went to war (if only half-way)
for oil.

 

In an age of sudden, wonderful opportunities amid a bold struggle for human
rights and freedom, we have a president unable to fully consummate any act
with the least political risk, and an ethical breakdown among many
conservatives who, because Obama’s in office, blithely turn their backs on
the cause of freedom and human dignity for which we long have stood. Obama
needs to get a spine, but we need to get a grip. This is a time of fantastic
opportunities—but we can’t take advantage of them if we’re in bed with the
covers pulled up over our heads, worried about the bogeyman under the box
springs. Shouldn’t we be brave? Maybe democracy won’t work under the
cultural reins of Arab Islam—but countless young Arab are risking their
lives to give it a try. Should our sympathies really lie with yesterday’s
dictators?

 

Al Qaeda’s not going to exploit this unrest to take over the world and close
down our favorite saloons. Al Qaeda’s the big loser in these uprisings—and
it’s trying desperately to catch up with a train that’s left the station
(and for which it doesn’t have a ticket). Al Qaeda’s high watermark was in
Iraq in 2006. While still dangerous, it’s been losing ground every since.
Instead of worrying about al Qaeda in Libya, we should focus on Khaddafi in
Tripoli. Meanwhile, if a few ragtag al Qaeda terrorists want to suicide bomb
some of Khaddafi’s thugs, it sounds like a win-win to me.

 

I just wish our president had the same strength of will as our enemies.

 

 <http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/> Family Security Matters
Contributing Editor
<http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/authors/id.192/author_detail.asp>
Ralph Peters is a retired Army officer, a former enlisted man, a journalist
and a bestselling author. He has experience in seventy countries on six
continents. His latest books are “
<http://www.amazon.com/Officers-Club-Ralph-Peters/dp/0765326809> The
Officers’ Club,” a novel of the post-Vietnam military, and “
<http://www.amazon.com/Endless-War-Middle-Eastern-Western-Civilization/dp/08
11705501> Endless War: Middle-Eastern Islam vs. Western Civilization.”

 



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