About islam's vigilante 'justice', from 'Cruel and Usual Punishment' by
Nonie Darwish:

p.195 Both Muslim leadership and Sharia itself close their eyes to vigilante
crimes if and when it is in the interest of Sharia and the empowerment of
Islamic State.

p.145 "Since vigilante killing is allowed under Sharia under certain
conditions, a Muslim not only is required to adhere to Allah's laws but is
also entrusted to enforce them on others right here on earth. A good Muslim
cannot mind his or her business since the hadith tells him:

"Whoever sees something wrong and accepts it, is as though he had committed
it".

...That is the power of Islamic Sharia. The fear and the distrust from each
other is at every level in society."

p.68 It is not a coincidence that murderers of certain Sharia violators go
unpunished. Sharia's level of compliance is strengthened by appointing
citizens as guardians and enforcers of Sharia

p.xxxi The West must understand that the problem is not with individual
Muslims as much as it is Muslim scripture commanding them to kill.

 


Pakistan's blasphemy vigilantes kill exonerated man


By Nick Paton Walsh, CNN

April 14, 2011 -- Updated 0956 GMT (1756 HKT)

 

 
<http://edition.cnn.com/video/?/video/world/2011/04/13/pakistan.blasphemy.vi
gilanties.cnn> Click to play

Blasphemy vigilantes track down victim

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

*       Despite being cleared of blasphemy, Mohamed Imran was killed by
vigilantes
*       Some observers see climate of rage around blasphemy laws as part of
rise in fundamentalism in Pakistan
*       Punjab governor Salman Taseer and minorities minister Shahbaz Bhatti
also killed for criticizing blasphemy laws

Talahore, Pakistan (CNN) -- Mohamed Imran had been accused, jailed, tried
and cleared: if anything, society owed him a debt as a man wrongfully
accused.

But his crime was blasphemy. He was meant to have said something derogatory
about the prophet Mohammed, so in Pakistan justice worked a little
differently.

Two weeks after he returned to his small patch of farmland on the rustic
outskirts of Islamabad, his alleged crime caught up with him.

Two gunmen burst into the shoe shop where he was sat talking to a friend.
Imran tried to duck, to seek cover behind the man next to him -- terrified
so greatly for his own life that he perhaps forgot about those around him.

But the gunmen found their target and Pakistan's controversial blasphemy
laws claimed another victim.

His brother Ikram told CNN: "When I saw him lying there, I felt the blood
leave my body, and that I was now alone."

When I saw him lying there, I felt the blood leave my body, and that I was
now alone.

2010: Sentenced to death for Now Ikram has only his brother's unmarked grave
to visit, next to the plot of land close to what was once the source of
Mohamed Imran's livelihood. This farmland no longer feeds his family, who
have moved away to live under the charity of a friend. The threats remained.

We found his daughter, four-year old Kazma who knew her father was dead but
somehow felt he would come back. His wife was in tears, but remarkably
maintained that the blasphemy laws were important as they protect the Muslim
faith. It was hard to tell whether she believed that or was speaking out of
self-preservation.

Two high-profile politicians have this year been assassinated for their
criticism of the blasphemy laws: Punjab governor Salman Taseer and
minorities minister (and Christian) Shahbaz Bhatti.

Some observers see their deaths and the climate of rage around the blasphemy
laws as symptomatic of a broader rise in fundamentalist tendencies in
Pakistan.

Others say that religion is all many people have, given the levels of
poverty and state dysfunction, and that they don't like it being insulted.
It's reported that more than 30 of the hundreds of people convicted under
the blasphemy laws have been killed by vigilantes. The state has yet to
execute anyone for this crime.

The curious part about this blasphemy case -- and many other such
convictions and allegations under the controversial law -- is that they do
not specify what the accused is meant to have said.

The first complaint delivered to the police in 2009 refers to a conversation
Imran allegedly had with another man in a cafe, but says the exact
blasphemous phrase cannot be repeated as that too would be an act of
blasphemy.

By the time we get to the court appearance earlier this year, the charge is
clearer (but we won't repeat it here, given the sensitivity of the matter).
You are left wondering whether by this stage of the case many had already
found reason to damn Imran.

All the same, this level of evidence was not enough for the judge, who
released Imran. But it was enough for the gunmen.

We went into the nearby town to talk to clerics at the local mosque. Some
accused these holy men of fueling the anger against Imran. Incidentally,
Imran was a Shia, and hence a minority often targeted in Pakistan.

As soon as we got out of the car near the mosque and showed our cameras,
tempers frayed. They didn't care why we were there, they just saw us as
outsiders, perhaps American spies.

We left promptly, ever more aware of the growing rage on Pakistan's ordinary
streets, fueled by generations of poverty, decades of what many see as
government ineptitude and years of foreign intervention.



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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