Drug Cartels Taking Over Government Roles In Parts Of Mexico

By Alfredo Corchado


The Dallas Morning News


May 4, 2011


Nuevo Laredo, Mexico - The "police" for the Zetas paramilitary cartel are so
numerous here - upward of 3,000,


according to one estimate - that they far outnumber the official force, and
their appearance further sets them


apart.


Most are teens sporting crew cuts, gold chains and earrings, with shorts
worn well below the waist and cellphones


pressed to their ears. These "spotters" seem to be everywhere, including
elementary schools, keeping tabs on


everything and everyone for the area's most dominant drug cartel.


"Get the (expletive) away from my child!" Thelma Pena, a young mother,
yelled at a Zetas spotter as she took her


son to school.


"Am I afraid of being killed?" she later said of her outburst. "We're
already dying, little by little, day by day."


The omnipresent cartel spotters are one aspect of what experts describe as
the emergence of virtual parallel


governments in places like Nuevo Laredo and Ciudad Juarez - criminal groups
that levy taxes, gather


intelligence, muzzle the media, run businesses and impose a version of order
that serves their criminal goals.


"President (Felipe) Calderon's war on drug cartels has been such an abysmal
failure that entire regions of Mexico


are effectively controlled by non-state actors, i.e., multipurpose criminal
organizations," said Howard Campbell,


an anthropologist and expert on drug cartels at the University of Texas at
El Paso.


"These criminal groups have morphed from being strictly drug cartels into a
kind of alternative society and


economy," Campbell said. "They are the dominant forces of coercion, tax the
population, steal from or control


utilities such as gasoline, sell their own products and are the ultimate
decision-makers in the territories they


control."


A U.S. intelligence official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that
the Zetas organization is continuing to


grow and estimated that it has as many as "13,000 to 15,000 hard-core
members" nationwide, a reflection of its


ability to exert control in regions of Mexico.


Calderon and his top aides insist that the government is making gains, that
new data show a decline in killings in


the second half of 2010, proving that the cartels are losing and in
desperation are resorting to kidnapping,


extortion and piracy.


Alejandro Poire, Calderon's spokesman for security issues, said that two
years ago the government identified the


top 37 cartel leaders. "The fact is, 20 of these 37 have been brought down,
so these criminal organizations have


been weakened, have been significantly weakened," Poire told The Dallas
Morning News.


Poire later insisted that even northern Tamaulipas state - where 183 bodies
have been recovered from


clandestine graves in the past month, including many victims believed to
have been abducted at gunpoint from


public buses traveling on major highways - "is under the control of the
Mexican state."


Still, across Mexico, despite the presence of thousands of troops and
federal and state police, the government


appears unable to restore order.


In Ciudad Juarez, the Juarez cartel, which is defending its territory
against the Sinaloa cartel led by Joaquin "El


Chapo" Guzman, is quietly installing its own rule.


In interviews with at least a dozen vendors, businessmen, cab drivers and
shoe shiners, all talked of paying


monthly extortion fees to the cartel. Fees range from 100 pesos - about $9 -
for street vendors, to 500 pesos


($45) for cab drivers and 800 pesos ($70) for junkyard owners. The Juarez
cartel and their enforcers, the La


Linea gang, have even set up bank accounts so businessmen can make direct
deposits. Many of those


interviewed said they were not even bothering to pay federal taxes anymore.


"What does that tell you?" asked Manuel Valdivia, a mechanic and cab driver.
"Because to me it tells me


everything I need to know about who's in charge."


Eric Olson, a security expert for the Mexico Institute at the Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars in


Washington, said the lines of authority are truly blurred in some places.


"There is no question that the lines between the state and organized crime
have been blurred in some areas of


Mexico and, in some cases, obliterated altogether," he said. "In such cases,
local governments continue to


function 'normally' while protecting the interests of organized crime over
those of the citizens.


"In local areas where the state is unable to guarantee the safety and
well-being of citizens, organized crime


provides de facto security and even guarantees services for the public,"
Olson said. "So far, this has been


observed in limited areas of Mexico, but unless more is done to control
organized crime and strengthen the state,


the potential for expansion is very real."


With Calderon's term set to end in 2012, both Mexican and U.S. officials are
facing pressure to prove that their


joint strategy is working.


On Friday, the U.S. government announced that it would deliver another $500
million in aid to Mexico under the


bilateral Merida Initiative to help train state police, thus broadening U.S.
anti-drug assistance beyond the level of


the federal government. The criminality and violence associated with drug
cartels "continue to threaten the


security and prosperity of both our nations," said a statement released
after high-level talks in Washington led by


Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and her Mexican counterpart,
Patricia Espinosa.


The continued insecurity, meanwhile, is widening the exodus to the United
States, including Texas cities.


A Mexican dentist said he tired of paying a weekly extortion fee of 800
pesos, about $70, in Juarez, and, after


suffering a beating for nonpayment that almost killed him, he made the move
to El Paso.


He now runs a clandestine clinic in his El Paso home, using his car to pick
up patients at a distant location and


discreetly driving them into his garage, where he welcomes them to his
office.


"Whether you agree, or disagree with this war, one thing is clear. This will
go on for years," the dentist said. "This


clandestine office is Plan B for now."


In Juarez, city officials have pledged to regain the upper hand.


During a funeral April 22 for two Juarez police officers, the newly
appointed police chief, Julian Leyzaola Perez,


referred to the criminals operating in Juarez as "cockroaches" and "cowards"
and vowed that "Juarez will no


longer kneel before" the drug gangs.


A government official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that plans
are under way for "large-scale


operations" in coming weeks to "hunt down" criminal groups that have taken
over neighborhoods in Juarez.


In Nuevo Laredo, residents are watched daily by an estimated 1,500 halcones,
or male spotters, about 1,000


panteras - the nickname for female spotters - and 500 supervisors, part of
the Zetas' strategy to fend off their


former employers and rivals, the Gulf cartel, according to the U.S
intelligence official. The spotters earn between


1,500 to 3,000 pesos ($135-$275) per week, and in a weak economy, cartel
recruits and their replacements


come easy.


Nuevo Laredo, a city of 360,000 people, has a local police force of about
800 officers.


Compared with Juarez, Nuevo Laredo is peaceful. But a drop in violence
doesn't necessarily mean that the


government is winning, the intelligence official said.


"You can't measure success in Mexico solely on whether violence is up or
down, but by who's in control of some


of these territories like Nuevo Laredo," the official said. "With so many
halcones and panteras, they're practically


the eyes and ears of that city. What's more worrisome is that Nuevo Laredo
is not alone. We're seeing that in


other Mexican communities."


For residents, the constant presence of deadly cartels overshadows even
mundane activities.


"Every day," said Thelma Pena, the young mother, "the goal is make it back
home as a family without being


harmed."



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