http://www.jewishworldreview.com/0511/hanson050511.php3

 

May 5, 2011 

Rules for Killing Rogues 

By Victor Davis Hanson 

The welcome end of Osama bin Laden at the hands of helicopter-borne American
military commandos raises a number of issues.

Americans rejoiced at news of the end of this psychopathic mass murderer,
and, privately, are probably relieved that he was not to be captured and
extradited to Guantanamo. If bin Laden had been taken alive, we might be
revisiting the controversy surrounding the Obama administration's failed
efforts to try in a civilian federal court bin Laden's subordinate, Khalid
Sheikh Mohammed -- the master planner behind 9/11.

But what, exactly, are the moral, legal or practical rules in going after
terrorist leaders or the savage dictators of rogue regimes? We went into a
foreign country to kill, not capture, bin Laden. Was that killing
permissible since a firefight preceded it, or because he was a terrorist
rather than a head of state?

Furor surrounded the waterboarding of Mohammed that purportedly resulted in
valuable intelligence about future terrorist operations. But why was that
considered immoral and illegal when we routinely act as judge, jury and
executioner of suspected terrorists through predator drone attacks inside
Pakistan?

Mohammed, a confessed killer, was one of just three detainees waterboarded.
In contrast, we have executed from the air well over 1,500 suspected
terrorists by Predators. President Obama has ordered four times as many
drone attacks in the last two years as former President Bush did in eight.
Are those killings more constitutionally suspect than Bush's treatment of
the three terrorists at Guantanamo?

Last week, NATO warplanes deliberately targeted Muammar Gadhafi's family
compound and residence in Tripoli, purportedly killing the dictator's
youngest son, Saif. A surviving son, also named Saif, not long ago was a
Western darling who bought a doctorate from the London School of Economics,
and wined and dined Western intellectuals and oil executives. At what point
do dictators' sons devolve from darlings to demons?

The United States had just days earlier sent two predator drones to Libya --
no doubt to help the British and French focus their attacks on the Gadhafi
family. Are such targeted airborne assassinations the type of killings
expressly forbidden by U.S. law? Or are they permissible on the grounds that
enemy dictators are military commanders -- and their fortified homes are
thus legitimate wartime targets?

Could we then legally, morally or practically drop a team in Tripoli to kill
Gadhafi and his son in the manner that we killed bin Laden and his son? What
are the rules that govern the killing of enemy leaders?

First, it seems OK to assassinate a terrorist kingpin either by air attack
or commando raid. But legal and moral problems arise if he is captured,
detained, waterboarded or tried in a military tribunal. A quick death seems
to end almost all legal discussions and controversies.

Second, there is also no problem in assassinating a foreign dictator as long
as the mission meets two criteria: We must be engaged in some sort of
conventional battle with his forces, and we have to kill him through aerial
bombing. For some reason, vaporization by a bomb seems to raise fewer
ethical issues than execution by a sniper's bullet.

Third, targeted assassinations are better done under liberal presidents, who
are more likely to be seen as humanitarians who only reluctantly order such
killings. The Bush antiterrorism protocols -- tribunals, renditions,
preventative detentions, Predator assassination missions, Guantanamo Bay --
were decried as illegal and immoral. Such furor vanished, however, when
President Obama embraced or expanded them all. The effort to preemptively
remove the mass-murdering Saddam Hussein to foster democracy in his absence
was seen by many in the media, universities and legal community as morally
wrong -- and yet preemptively bombing Gadhafi to foster democracy in his
absence is now considered morally justified.

Fourth, success seems to end moral ambiguity in much the same way failure
invites it. Had we gone into Pakistani territory and landed in the wrong
compound, legal and ethical issues would have been raised. If we keep
killing members of the Gadhafi family without hitting Gadhafi himself, at
some point the denial of targeted assassination will seem empty. Targeted
assassinations apparently have to work on the first or second attempt to be
deemed moral and legal.

In recent years the United States has been in a number of undeclared wars
against terrorists, insurgents and authoritarian dictators -- Mohamed Farrah
Aidid, Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden, Slobodan Milosevic, Khalid Sheikh
Mohammed, Manuel Noriega, Mullah Omar, Muammar Gadhafi, the Taliban,
al-Qaeda and others -- whom we sought to kill, capture or put on trial.

It is about time that we clarified the rules that determine their fates.

 



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