05/10/2011 06:54 PM


Interview with Richard Clarke


'Capturing Bin Laden Was Not One of Their Big Priorities'


In an interview, former White House counterterrorism chief Richard Clarke
discusses Washington's effort, long unsuccessful, to track bin Laden,
missteps made by the Clinton and Bush administrations in the search and how
the CIA and Air Force resisted deploying drone aircraft in the war on
terror. 

SPIEGEL: Why did the hunt for Osama bin Laden take so long?

Clarke: There were four phases in the effort to track down Osama bin Laden.
We made the decision that bin Laden should be arrested in 1996. Then, in
1998, President Bill Clinton authorized the CIA to kill him. After 9/11, of
course, there was the attempt to capture him when the US invaded
Afghanistan. Then there was a period of looking for him after he left
Afghanistan. During the 1990s, the CIA didn't want to risk putting its own
personnel into Afghanistan to go after bin Laden. 

SPIEGEL: But they clearly had the authority to go after him.

Clarke: They were given the authority to capture and kill him, but they
didn't really try very hard. It wasn't a priority. In fact, they really
didn't want to do it at the working level. They frankly were more concerned
about the safety of their personnel.

SPIEGEL: Was it because they didn't have the means with which to go after
him?

Clarke: They tracked bin Laden using Afghan sources, and they paid Afghan
groups to get him. Those Afghan groups realized, of course, that if they
ever succeeded in getting him, they would be at risk -- and their contract
would be over, so they never really made serious attempts. The CIA never
really developed an operation using its own sources or its own people, and
the US military told the president it would be too risky to use the armed
forces for the task. Afghanistan is a landlocked country, and you have to
get in there from somewhere. For the US military to just fly in and find one
man was difficult -- not impossible, but difficult. The US military didn't
want to do it because they thought it would fail and their people would get
killed. When the invasion occurred in October 2001, the US military
leadership planned an invasion of a country rather than the capture of a
single man. They went about the invasion of the country very well, but
capturing bin Laden wasn't one of their big priorities. It is hard to
imagine in retrospect, but President Bush didn't let his White House staff,
including myself and others, sit down with the military before the invasion
and say, "Let's see your plan, and let's see how, specifically, you're going
to get Osama." So they let him slip through their fingers when they really
could have captured him then.

SPIEGEL: After that he fled to Pakistan. 

Clarke: When he crossed into Pakistan at the end of 2001, US intelligence
totally lost track of where he was and never really had a good feed on him
for almost nine years.

SPIEGEL: So the last chance they had to capture bin Laden was at Tora Bora?

Clarke: That's right. After that he went cold. He didn't talk on the phone.
He didn't use the Internet. He didn't have meetings either, so you couldn't
know that Mr. X was going to go to a meeting with bin Laden and then follow
him. The US used satellite photography, radio intercepts, drones, agents,
spies, every trick they knew -- but they were never able to find a lead
until last August.

SPIEGEL: In 1998, after the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania were hit,
Clinton finally acted on the threat posed by bin Laden and his al-Qaida
terrorist network. 

Clarke: He authorized a cruise missile attack on some al-Qaida camps, and he
authorized the use of lethal force by CIA to get bin Laden.

SPIEGEL: At the time, Clinton was in political hot water in Washington
because of his affair with Monica Lewinsky. You are said to have raised
concerns at the time that the strike might lead to criticism that the
president wanted to divert attention from his affair. How did the scandal
impact the hunt for bin Laden? 

Clarke: It didn't affect it at all. We had intelligence that bin Laden was
going to be holding a meeting at a particular location at a particular time,
and therefore it would have made sense to attack that location at that time
with missiles. We took that option to the president and said, "Look, Mr.
President, we know this is not a good time for you because of the
congressional investigation, and it will look like you're trying to divert
attention, so maybe you don't want to do this." He got furious with us and
said, That's none of your business. You just get me the national security
advisor. Do you think we should do this? We're going to do this, and it
doesn't matter what's going on in my political life.

SPIEGEL: In 2000, you realized the potential that Predator drones
<http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,722583,00.html>  had in
the hunt for bin Laden.

Clarke: The problem we had was that we wanted to kill him but we never knew
where he was until after he had left that place, so we would always know
where he had been yesterday. What we needed was the ability to see him, know
where he was and attack him at that exact same time. So we needed a
reconnaissance and strike capability in one. The only thing that did that
and could stay up for a long time was an unmanned plane. Therefore, I
proposed doing that, but the CIA opposed it. Eventually, we overruled the
CIA and we ordered them to put the drone up in the air in October 2000. But
no one had a missile on it in those days. That was not planned for another
three years. So we forced them to do it faster, and we had a missile-armed
Predator available by May 2001. But neither the CIA nor the Pentagon wanted
to use it in Afghanistan. 

SPIEGEL: Why not?

Clarke: The CIA said it wasn't their job to fly airplanes with missiles on
them. That was the Air Force's job. The Air Force said it wasn't their job
to fly their aircraft without pilots in them. I think both were just
avoiding what they thought would be a potentially controversial weapon and a
weapon that they thought would get them into political trouble.

SPIEGEL: Do you think that the death of Osama bin Laden is going to lead to
massive retaliation attempts by terror groups like al-Qaida?

Clarke: According to the US government right now, there is no intelligence
that indicates any retaliation is imminent -- but retaliation can come in
different sizes. Individuals, single people who are frustrated, so-called
"lone wolves," can strike. If they are going to do that, you would think
they would do it relatively soon. More complex plans take a long time to put
together. The question is this: If they have the capability of putting
together a complex plan, then what are they waiting for? If they can do it
after he has been killed, then why didn't they do it before? 

SPIEGEL: How important was bin Laden to the Islamist terror movement?

Clarke: He was a symbol both of his own cause and of the Americans'
inability to get him. But I do not have the impression that he was managing
an organization.

SPIEGEL: Who do you anticipate will replace bin Laden?

Clarke: That presumes someone will take his place, and they may not. Ayman
al-Zawahiri is his No. 2 and the obvious choice -- I suppose he could move
up. He is Egyptian and a kind of academic in some ways, but a lot of people
in the movement apparently don't like him. The other one is Anwar al-Awlaki
with al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). A Yemeni, he's younger, more
dynamic, more like an imam -- and more from the bin Laden mould. So he is a
possibility. 

SPIEGEL: With bin Laden's death, is the war on terror now finished? 

Clarke: Of course not. The other franchise groups -- al-Qaida in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP), al-Qaida in Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and al Shabab (the
Somalia-based militant group) -- are all active. And there are lots of cells
that are more or less autonomous. There is a whole ideological movement out
there with imams and web pages, so all that continues.

SPIEGEL: Do you expect the public to be less supportive of security measures
aimed at preventing terrorism now that bin Laden is dead?

Clarke: Most people understand now that we live in a world that is fragile
to terrorists, and it was not just this one guy in his house in Pakistan
that was the problem.

Interview conducted by Marc Hujer





URL:


*       http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,761458,00.html



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