http://www.homelandsecuritynewswire.com/terrorist-threat-overhyped

 

by Ben FrankelIs

 

Published 13 May 2011

There are serious people who raise thoughtful questions about the nature and
scope of the terrorist threat to Western societies, and because they do not
accept the assumptions of both the Bush and Obama administrations about the
nature of the threat, they criticize these administrations' policies; this
group of critics of current policies are joined by others who belong to a
second group of critics: in this second group we find people who do not
share the assessment of members of the first group about the nature of the
threat, but who join them in criticizing government anti-terror policies as
too expensive, to intrusive, and ineffective; a new, thought-provoking
article on the subject performs a useful service in that it should keep
advocates of expensive and intrusive government anti-terrorism policies
honest

Psychologists tell us that the people cannot cope with what they term
"cognitive dissonance." One suffers from cognitive dissonance when one's
knowledge and beliefs contradict one's actions. Thus, if one knows and
believes that most smokers die prematurely of lung cancer, and he or she
still smokes a pack or two a day, they find themselves facing the unbearable
tensions of cognitive dissonance.

There are only two ways to resolve the tensions attendant to cognitive
dissonance: change one's beliefs so they agree with one's actions, or change
one's actions so they accord with one's beliefs. When the change is made,
harmony replaces dissonance.

In the example above: smokers, acting on their knowledge and beliefs, may
quit smoking so their actions are in agreement with their beliefs - or they
may continue to smoke but convince themselves that they belong to the small
group of smokers who do not get cancer, thus making their actions
(continuing to smoke) congruent with their beliefs (they belong to the
minority that will not get cancer).

We see a similar pattern with the attitudes of people toward homeland
security - especially toward two aspects of government's reaction to the
problems of homeland security: large government outlays to secure the
nation, and intrusive measures - from full-body scanning to warrantless
wiretapping to searching digital storage media at border crossings - the
government has undertaken to bolster public safety.

The problem is especially vexing to believers in the need to reduce the role
of government in our lives - reduction which would be achieved if we made
the government smaller, shrank government budgets, enacted fewer
regulations, and decentralized and devolved government responsibilities.

The approach of the two U.S. administrations in power since 9/11 - one
Republican, one Democrat - has been to move in the opposite direction of
what small-government advocates would prefer. The Bush administration
created a huge new government department in DHS, expanded dramatically the
reach and scope of domestic spying, enlisted the National Security Agency
(NSA) to keep tabs on American citizens, pushed for the enactment of the
Patriot Act, launched two costly wars, and more. On the issue of fighting
terrorism, there is hardly a difference between the Obama and the Bush
administrations. If anything, the Obama administration has intensified the
covert war against terrorism, preferring to send drones, CIA agents, and
special forces to places like Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and more.

Those who believe in small, inexpensive, and unintrusive

 

government have not given up the fight, though (and the support
Representative Ron Paul received in the Republican primaries in 2008, and
his decision to run again, are but one indication).

This brings us to the issue of cognitive dissonance. How do small-government
e advocates square their beliefs in smaller, inexpensive, and less intrusive
government with the need to take a range of actions to thwart the terrorist
threat?

They do what psychologists said they would do: they define the problem away.
Rather than support a broad, expensive, and demanding government action to
counter the threat of terrorism - such support would create a cognitive
dissonance with their beliefs about the role of government - these
small-government advocates argue that the threat does not exist, or that it
is greatly exaggerated. Since the threat does not exist or is over-hyped,
there is no need for the government to undertake expensive and intrusive
actions, and there is no need for small-government advocates to change their
beliefs. In this way they maintain cognitive harmony rather the grapple with
the tensions of cognitive dissonance.

What we said above about small-government advocates is unfair to them, and
is a bit of a caricature we drew to illustrate the point. In reality, there
are serious people who raise thoughtful questions about the nature and scope
of the terrorist threat to Western societies. This first group of critics of
current policies is joined by others who belong to a second group: in this
second group we find people who do not share the assessment of members of
the first group about the nature of the threat, but who join them in
criticizing government anti-terror policies as too expensive, to intrusive,
and ineffective.

The analysts, scholars, and writers who belong in these two groups perform a
valuable service: they keep government honest. Those who believe that the
terrorist threat is real, and that the consequences of terrorist actions
dire, should not be given a free ride. They should be made to justify their
assumptions - and then be made to justify the expensive and intrusive
policies they recommend.

Such service is offered by Benjamin Friedman in his article "Managing Fear:
The Politics of Homeland Security" (Political Science Quarterly 126, no. 1
[spring 2011]: 77-106).

Friedman, a doctoral candidate in political science at MIT and a Research
Fellow in Defense and Homeland Security at the libertarian Cato Institute,
makes four arguments in his cogent and well-written article: first, the
terrorist threat is exaggerated; second, the American society is not as
susceptible to disruption by terrorist actions because it is robust and
sturdy; third, there are psychological reasons why people exaggerate the
threat of terrorism; fourth, there are political reasons why political
leaders both fan and over-hype the threat of terrorism rather than use their
power to calm an edgy and nervous population by telling people the truth.

On Monday, I'll deal in more detail with Friedman's arguments about the
threat terrorism pose. Here I will just summarize the arguments he makes
about the sturdiness of the American society and why terrorist acts, even if
they do take place, will not cause the massive, debilitating damage
supporters of large homeland security budget say they will:

First, the United States has mature, strong liberal institutions which do
not offer incentives for U.S. citizens to embrace terrorism and violence
(unlike the situation in oppressive societies, in which violence is almost
the only way available to citizenry to oppose the regime). Homegrown
terrorism has been, and remains, a marginal issue in the United States.

Second, the U.S. economy and governmental capacity limit the consequences of
any terrorist action. The U.S. economy and government are not weak or
brittle, but rather robust and sturdy. Most natural disasters in the United
States do not cause even a fraction of the death and damage similar events
cause in other countries. Even 9/11 or Hurricane Katrina have not had a
meaningful affect on the national economy.

Third, economic trends - the move from a manufacturing economy to a service
economy - make attacks on the American economy less effective, and damage
more localized and easy to recover from.

"These U.S. attributes limit the risk that terrorism pose here," Friedman
says.

I do not agree with everything Friedman says, and on Monday I will discuss
what I take to be his too-benign a depiction of the nature of the threat the
United States is facing. Still, Friedman's article is engaging and
thought-provoking. I would make it a required reading at DHS - and in
Congress.

 

 



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