May 14, 2011
Many Fear Revival of Islamist Party in Tunisia
By SCOTT SAYARE
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/15/world/africa/15tunis.html

TUNIS - Accused as subversives or terrorists, they bore the repressive brunt
of the Tunisian dictator's reign - two decades of torture, prison or exile.

But since the dictator, President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, fled in January,
the Islamists of the once-banned Ennahda Party have emerged from obscurity,
returned from abroad and established themselves as perhaps the most powerful
political force in post-revolution Tunisia.

Despite repeated assurances of their tolerance and moderation, their rise
has touched off frenzied rumors of attacks on unveiled women and artists, of
bars and brothels sacked by party goons, of plots to turn the country into a
caliphate. With crucial elections scheduled for July 24, Ennahda's
popularity and organizational strength are of growing concern to many
activists and politicians, who worry that the secular revolution in this
moderate state - the revolt that galvanized the Arab Spring - might see the
birth of a conservative Islamic government.

And just as the protests in Tunis heralded the revolt in Cairo, analysts are
looking to Tunisia as a bellwether for the more broadly influential
developments to come in Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood enjoys similar
advantages and has stirred similar misgivings.

"How do you want us to go up against Ennahda?" asked an exasperated
strategist for the Republican Alliance, a secular party. "They're prepared
to do anything."

With years of organizational experience, a vast membership and decades of
credibility as a sworn enemy of Mr. Ben Ali, Ennahda has proved to be
better-equipped than any other party - most have existed only for a matter
of weeks - to step into the political void. The Republican Alliance
strategist called for the elections to be delayed.

"July 24 is a favor to Ennahda," he said, requesting anonymity for fear of
attacks by the party's supporters. "It's suicide."

With Ennahda in power, he said, "It would be Iran."

The party says such fears are unfounded. "We aspire to a free, open,
moderate society, where each citizen will have the same rights," said
Abdallah Zouari, a member of Ennahda's executive committee and a party
spokesman, adding that the party called for equal rights for men and women,
Muslims and non-Muslims.

"We are not in agreement with the secularists who want to force others to be
secular," he said, "the same way we are against the Salafists who want to
force others to be Muslim."

He spoke with a visitor at a modest new party branch on the third floor of a
shabby Tunis office building, the rooms still echoing and empty but for some
tables and chairs, the white walls dirty and scuffed.

Mr. Zouari - who bears the dark callus on his forehead caused by frequent
bowed prayer, common among the devout - was himself imprisoned for more than
a decade as a party member.

"The religious sentiment of the Tunisian people is so deep that certain
people cannot understand," he said.

Polling suggests that Ennahda - the renaissance, in Arabic - enjoys broader
support than any of the country's other 60-odd authorized political parties.
The party's weekly newspaper, The Dawn, resumed publication in April after a
20-year hiatus and now sells about 70,000 copies per week, party officials
say.

The July vote will create an assembly assigned the task of rewriting the
Constitution. In anticipation of the elections, the party has opened dozens
of local offices, and imams are said to be promoting Ennahda in mosques
across the country.

But mistrust of the party remains widespread.

"They're doing doublespeak, and everyone knows it," said Ibrahim Letaief, a
radio host at Mosaique FM, a popular station where he offers withering
criticism of the Islamists. Ennahda, he said, has only tempered its rhetoric
in a bid to win votes, but in power would impose strict Islamic law.

It is a common refrain here, despite having first been popularized by the
reviled Mr. Ben Ali. Opponents have made similar claims, anti-Ennahda
Facebook groups have drawn tens of thousands of supporters, and protesters
have denounced the party throughout Tunisia. Some of the fear seems to stem
from uncertainty about who, exactly, will lead the party; the group's
longtime leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, has said he will not seek office.

A democratic Tunisia depends on the banning of Ennahda, Mr. Letaief said,
though he acknowledged, "I'm not going to seem democratic, here." Still, he
said, "Islam is very much anchored in society."

The first article of the now-suspended Tunisian Constitution decreed Islam
the national faith, and 98 percent of the country's 10.6 million inhabitants
are Muslim. Public schools dispense religious instruction. Yet religious
leaders have never played a role in government.

Habib Bourguiba, the father of Tunisian independence and the country's first
president, was a staunch secularist who banned polygamy, legalized abortion
and once sipped orange juice on television during the Ramadan fast in an
affront to the faithful.

Ennahda has pledged to maintain Mr. Bourguiba's social reforms, and voted in
favor of a rule requiring equal numbers of men and women on electoral lists
in July. Party leaders compare Ennahda to Turkey's tolerant Islamic ruling
party. Other Tunisian Islamist groups have rejected Ennahda as being too
secular, and many analysts consider the party to be distinctly moderate.

Still, Ennahda worries that many Tunisians have renounced an "Arab-Muslim
identity," said Mr. Zouari, the party leader, noting that high school math
and science are often taught in French, not Arabic. Ennahda would not force
women to veil themselves, Mr. Zouari said, nor would it immediately seek to
ban alcohol, which Islam forbids. He admitted that a ban might be a goal in
years to come.

Asked about widespread accusations that Ennahda supporters had attacked
unveiled women, he replied hotly: "When? Where? What names?"

Ennahda is strong in the impoverished interior, a reflection of the cultural
gulf between the "very Westernized elite" in Tunis and other coastal cities
- many of whom lived well under Mr. Ben Ali - and much of the rest of the
country, said Kader Abderrahim, a researcher at the Institute of
International and Strategic Relations in Paris.

"The question," Mr. Abderrahim said, is whether the elite "are ready to
accept that there is a part of the population that lives in a different way,
and that has other convictions." Political stability "will not happen
without the Islamists," he said.

Nour Ayari, 19, said she would back Ennahda in the elections. Ms. Ayari, who
sells traditional silver marriage boxes from her family's stall at the
Blaghjia souk in Tunis, wore a diaphanous white hijab, a veil banned under
Mr. Ben Ali but legalized since his departure. Women may now also appear
veiled in official identification photographs, she noted.

"It's thanks to this party," she said, referring to Ennahda.

She dismissed concerns that the party might be cloaking fundamentalist
intentions behind a moderate front.

"Why would they change their tune afterward?" she asked. Ennahda's
opponents, she said, still have a "reflex of fear" instilled under Mr. Ben
Ali.

Mr. Abderrahim, the researcher, called it "paranoia."






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