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Treacherous Territory

Editorial of The New York Sun | May 21, 2011

http://www.nysun.com/editorials/treacherous-territory/87357/

When Prime Minister Netanyahu goes before the joint meeting of Congress on 
Tuesday, he will be stepping onto some of the most treacherous territory in the 
whole Middle East debate. We speak not of the contested acres between Israel 
and the Arabs but rather the territory between the Congress and the presidency 
and the battle between the two for supremacy in foreign affairs.

It’s one thing for the prime minister of Israel to disagree with the president 
of America. It happens all the time, and we don’t mind saying that sometimes it 
is the president of America who is in the wrong, as we believe Mr. Obama is in 
respect of the 1967 borders. It’s another thing, however, for the prime 
minister of even a friendly country to go over the head of the president 
directly to the Congress.

Not that it doesn’t happen. Mr. Netanyahu himself addressed a joint meeting of 
the Congress in 1996. He was a newly installed prime minister and free market 
reformer from a country that had long suffered from socialist economic 
policies, as the editor of the Sun put it in a piece a year ago in the Wall 
Street Journal. The Israeli was speaking to a Congress in which another 
free-market reformer, Newt Gingrich, had recently acceded to speaker. That was 
the occasion on which Mr. Netanyahu declared that there would “never” be a 
division of Jerusalem again. “Never.”

When he repeated the word “never,” the whole Congress rose in a standing 
ovation. It was one of the most memorable and visible demonstrations in the 
whole history of Israeli-American relations of the grass roots support that the 
Jewish state enjoys in the American democracy. One could call it a kind of 
demonstration by the Israeli leader that he had other places than the White 
House to go for support in the difficult challenges that Israel was then 
facing. The demarche was said to have infuriated the president at the time, 
William Clinton.

Mr. Clinton, however, had openly intervened against Mr. Netanyahu and his Likud 
Party in the election in Israel that had just sidelined the dovish Labor party 
leader, Shimon Peres, who was much more to Mr. Clinton’s liking. Messrs. 
Clinton and Netanyahu joked about it in a press conference shortly before Mr. 
Netanyahu went up the hill to speak to the Congress. “Sometimes I wish I could 
explain things that don’t need much explaining,” a rueful Mr. Clinton said, 
according to Steven Erlanger’s dispatch in the Times.

The big question in the current crisis is whether Congress is eventually going 
to assert itself against the pro-Palestinian tilt that the administration has 
taken and, if it does, whether the Congress itself will win the day. The 
Congress has tried to assert itself on a number of occasions, particularly over 
Jerusalem. The Congress wants the American embassy in Tel Aviv moved to 
Jerusalem, which is the capital of the Jewish state and was annexed following 
the Six-Day war in 1967. But the Congress has been rebuffed by successive 
presidents, Democrats and Republicans.

It happens that the Supreme Court has just agreed to hear a lawsuit, in which a 
nine-year-old boy, Menachem Binyamin Zivotofsky, is asking for enforcement of 
another law in which the Congress has tried to assert itself in respect of 
Jerusalem. The Congress had passed the measure in 2002, saying that, if 
requested to do so, the state departement had to issue to Americans born in 
Jerusalem a certificate listing their birthplace as Israel. The law passed 
Congress by an over-whelming bi-partisan margin, but two presidents, Messrs. 
Bush and Obama, have refused to enforce it, on the theory that it infringes on 
the constitutional prerogatives of the president in foreign affairs.

The Supreme Court has entered the fray by agreeing to hear a lawsuit brought by 
a nine-year-old boy named Menachem Binyamin Zivitofsky, who was born at 
Jerusalem in 2002. The boy’s attorney, Nathan Lewin, has suggested that no 
great foreign policy issue is at stake. But the Supreme Court itself has asked 
the lawyers to brief them on whether the law “impermissibly infringes the 
President ’s power to recognize foreign sovereigns.” It’s shaping up as a rare 
test of how much authority the Congress has, under the Constitution, in foreign 
affairs.

In recent decades the conservatives have been with the president in this 
contest, particularly during the Reagan years when the Congress was trying — 
unconstitutionally, conservatives suggested — to limit the president’s war 
powers. This was particularly true in the wake of Vietnam, when the Congress 
used a war powers act it had concocted to try to cramp President Reagan’s 
ability to maneuver against the Marxist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Now the 
shoe is on the other foot, and a Democratic president is maneuvering in the 
face of a more conservative Congress, including this week over his authority to 
act without a vote of Congress in Libya.

Was it wise for Mr. Netanyahu to take his case to Capitol Hill? One doesn’t get 
to address a joint meeting of Congress without being invited, and no doubt he 
will get a rousing and warm welcome. But it’s a moment to remember that the 
territory is treacherous. For Congress can be as fickle as the presidents have 
been. It was on Capitol Hill that the cause of a free Vietnam was lost in 1975. 
And it doesn’t bode well that for all the applause the Congress gave Mr. 
Netanyahu 15 years ago, the solons have left the heavy constitutional lifting 
on the bedrock question of Jerusalem to a 9-year-old boy.

 



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