Showdown in Morocco
Posted By Hisham al-Miraat Thursday, May 26, 2011 - 5:59 PM Share
http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/05/26/showdown_in_morocco

The makhzen refers to an ancient institution in Morocco -- the extended
power apparatus close to the Moroccan monarchy, made up of a network of
power and privilege. It allows the King to act as an absolute monarch and
the de facto head of the executive. Beneath the give and take of everyday
politics, the makhzen has always been the ultimate guarantor of the status
quo. For three months, the pro-democracy youth movement, known as "February
20," has been advocating against that status quo. Protests have not been
targeting the monarchy directly, but instead have been urging for reform
that would yield a system in which the King reigns but does not rule.

What started as a small group on Facebook earlier this year, has since grown
into a nationwide movement made up of a loose coalition of leftists,
liberals and members of the conservative Islamist right. Inspired by the
Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings and powered by new media, the movement
convinced hundreds of thousands to take to the streets. The demonstrations
held week in, week out, were remarkably peaceful. In response, King Mohammed
VI promised a package of constitutional reforms to be submitted to a
referendum in June. But as protesters, unconvinced by the King's promise,
vow to keep up pressure on the regime, authorities seem increasingly
impatient and determined to break up protests violently, paving the way
toward escalation and confrontation with the street. The middle class is
joining the mass of demonstrators, moving the protests beyond the core of
mobilized youth. Their target is the makhzen -- which has become a code word
for the monarchy's abuses of power and monopoly over large sectors of the
economy.

Protests are not new in Morocco. During the Cold War years, leftists who
dared to stand up and denounce the regime's abuses of power saw the wrath of
the makhzen befall them. Those who were lucky enough not to have disappeared
suffered the worst abuses, or were thrown into secret prisons in the middle
of the desert. But in the age of Internet and new information technologies,
the regime knows well that its actions are closely watched and that the
indiscriminate repression of the "Years of Lead" (a name commonly used in
Morocco to refer to the dark era of repression under late King Hassan II)
are virtually impossible to hide from the public eye. This partly explains
the inconsistency of its handling of the tension in the street.

>From the start, the protest movement indentified key areas where reform is
much needed: poverty, corruption, injustice and the control of political and
economic life by the monarch's close entourage and some privileged families
accused of misuse of public funds. The regime's response was tempered and
conciliatory at first. In an attempt to quell popular anger, King Mohammed
VI gave a speech on March 9 in which he announced the appointment of a
committee to revise the Moroccan Constitution, pledging to relinquish parts
of his prerogatives, while setting the outlines of permissible change. The
status of the monarchy was to remain untouched, while the King was to
supervise the reform process.

The proposed reform plan did not convince everyone and many decided to
continue their protests. Skeptical youth doubted that the process initiated
by the King was compatible with fundamental popular demands, such as the
drafting of a whole new constitution by an elected assembly. Protesters have
also been calling for the dissolution of the parliament, the dismissal of
the current government, the release of all political prisoners, the clear
separation of powers and the trial of officials involved in cases of torture
and corruption. Amid continuing street protests, the palace offered a series
of reforms, including the release of 190 political prisoners, mainly
Islamist and human rights activists.

But then on April 28 a terrorist bomb attack hit a popular restaurant in the
heart of Marrakech, killing 17 people. The country was plunged into a state
of shock. Beyond the unanimous condemnation, the timing of the attack raised
many questions. The fear of a security clampdown and a freeze of liberties
were the main concerns of pro-democracy advocates. Their fear is justified.
The makhzen has traditionally actively sought to nurture an image of
stability -- an exception to the turmoil in the Arab world. That strategy
has worked for a time for the regime: Morocco is routinely praised by
western officials as an ally of the West in a rather hostile region. The
country holds an advanced status with the European Union; it has signed a
free trade agreement with the U.S.; it is actively cooperating with the
Americans in their global "War on Terror," and it enjoys the status of a
Major Non-NATO Ally. The specter of terrorism has long been a useful card
for gaining external support.

Police violence in recent days has escalated. On May 15, peaceful
demonstrators who wanted to protest in front of an alleged secret detention
center in Temara (dubbed Guan-Temara by protesters) near the capital Rabat
faced repression. A week later, anti-riot police systematically and
violently disrupted peaceful gatherings in public squares. This may be the
sign that the regime is shifting its attitude toward the street and taking a
much more hardline stance. As with other Arab regimes, the makhzen faces a
dilemma: if it clamps down hard on peaceful protesters, it risks loosing its
reputation as a model of democratic reform in a region often perceived in
the West as averse to the liberal ideals of democracy. If it loosens up,
then it will have to face the challenge to its own existence posed by a
determined and organized street.

The "February 20" youth movement is vowing to keep up street pressure,
rejecting the King's offer of token reform. If the regime insists on denying
the people their rights of assembly and free expression, then the country
will be heading toward the unknown. Against the backdrop of the Arab
revolutions, change looks inevitable. It is still in the power of the
monarchy to ensure a peaceful transition and at the same time ensure its own
survival. The more the makhzen drags its feet, the more it runs the risk of
undermining the stability of the country and, at the end of the day, its own
existence.

Hisham al-Miraat is the co-founder of Talk Morocco and a contributing author
for Global Voices.



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