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Home <http://washingtonexaminer.com/>  > Obama solicitor general: If you
don't like mandate, earn less money

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By Philip Klein

Created Jun 2 2011 - 12:52pm


Obama solicitor general: If you don't like mandate, earn less money


President Obama's solicitor general, defending the national health care law
on Wednesday, told a federal appeals court that Americans who didn't like
the individual mandate could always avoid it by choosing to earn less money.

Neal Kumar Katyal, the acting solicitor general, made the argument under
questioning before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit in
Cincinnati, which was considering an appeal by the Thomas More Law Center.
(Listen to oral arguments here
<http://www.ca6.uscourts.gov/internet/index.htm> .)  The three-judge panel,
which was comprised of two Republican-appointed judges and a
Democratic-appointed judge, expressed more skepticism about the government's
defense of the health care law than the Fourth Circuit panel that heard the
Virginia-based Obamacare challenge last month in Richmond. The Fourth
Circuit panel was made up entirely of Democrats, and two of the judges were
appointed by Obama himself.

During the Sixth Circuit arguments, Judge Jeffrey Sutton, who was nominated
by President George W. Bush, asked Kaytal if he could name one Supreme Court
case which considered the same question as the one posed by the mandate, in
which Congress used the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution as a tool
to compel action.

Kaytal conceded that the Supreme Court had "never been confronted directly"
with the question, but cited the Heart of Atlanta Motel case as a relevant
example. In that landmark 1964 civil rights case, the Court ruled that
Congress could use its Commerce Clause power to bar discrimination by
private businesses such as hotels and restaurants.

"They're in the business," Sutton pushed back. "They're told if you're going
to be in the business, this is what you have to do. In response to that law,
they could have said, 'We now exit the business.' Individuals don't have
that option."

Kaytal responded by noting that the there's a provision in the health care
law that allows people to avoid the mandate.

"If we're going to play that game, I think that game can be played here as
well, because after all, the minimum coverage provision only kicks in after
people have earned a minimum amount of income," Kaytal said. "So it's a
penalty on earning a certain amount of income and self insuring. It's not
just on self insuring on its own. So I guess one could say, just as the
restaurant owner could depart the market in Heart of Atlanta Hotel, someone
doesn't need to earn that much income. I think both are kind of fanciful and
I think get at."

Sutton interjected, "That wasn't in a single speech given in Congress about
this...the idea that the solution if you don't like it is make a little less
money."

The so-called "hardship exemption" in the health care law is limited, and
only applies to people who cannot obtain insurance for less than 8 percent
of their income. So earning less isn't necessarily a solution, because it
could then qualify the person for government-subsidized insurance.

Throughout the oral arguments, Kaytal struggled to respond to the panel's
concerns about what the limits of Congressional power would be if the courts
ruled that they have the ability under the Commerce Clause to force
individuals to purchase something.

Sutton said it would it be "hard to see this limit" in Congressional power
if the mandate is upheld, and he honed in on the word "regulate" in the
Commerce clause, explaining that the word implies you're in a market. "You
don't put them in the market to regulate them," he said.

In arguments before the Fourth Circuit last month, Kaytal also struggled
with a judge's question about what to do with the word "regulate," to the
point where the judge asked him to sit down to come up with an answer. (More
on that exchange here
<http://washingtonexaminer.com/blogs/beltway-confidential/2011/05/georgetown
-law-professor-government-shifting-its-constitutional-d> ). Kaytal has
fallen back on the Necessary and Proper clause, insisting that it gives
broader leeway to Congress.

Judge James Graham, a Reagan district court appointee who is temporarily
hearing cases on the appeals court, said, "I hear your arguments about the
power of Congress under the Commerce Clause, and I'm having difficulty
seeing how there is any limit to the power as you're defining it."

Kaytal responded by referencing the United States v. Morrison, in which the
Supreme Court struck down parts of the Violence Against Women Act, and
United States v. Lopez, which struck down gun free school zones. In those
cases, Kaytal responded, the Supreme Court set the limit that the Commerce
Clause had to regulate economic activities.

The health care market is unique, Kaytal responded, because everybody will
eventually participate. With the mandate, Kaytal said, "What Congress is
regulating is not the failure to buy something. But
failure to secure financing for something everyone is going to buy."

Graham acknowledged Kaytal's arguments, yet reiterated that he was "having
trouble seeing the limits."

The problem with the "health care is unique" argument - and this is me
talking - is that it just creates an opening for future Congresses to
regulate all sorts of things by either a) arguing that a particular market
is also special or b) finding a way to tie a given regulation to health
care.

For instance, the example that's come up often is the idea of a law in which
government forces individuals to eat broccoli.

During the Sixth Circuit argument, Kaytal said that such an example doesn't
apply, because if you show up at a grocery store, nobody has to give you
broccoli, whereas that is the case with health care and hospital emergency
rooms.

Yet that argument assumes that Congress passes such a law as a regulation of
the food market. What if the law was made as part of a regulation of the
health care market? It isn't difficult to see where that argument can go.

The broccoli example is really a proxy for a broader argument about whether
the government can compel individuals to engage in healthy behavior - it
could just as well be eating salad, or exercising. There's no doubt that a
huge driver of our nation's health care costs are illnesses linked to bad
behavior. People who are overweight and out of shape cost more because they
have increased risk of heart disease, diabetes, and so on. Those increased
costs get passed on to all of us, because government pays for nearly half of
the nation's health care expenses, a number that's set to grow under the new
health care law. Is it really unrealistic to believe that future Congresses,
looking for ways to control health care costs, could compel healthy behavior
in some way? More pertinently, is there any reason why that would be
unconstiutional under the precedent that would be set if the individual
mandate is upheld?

With most experts expecting the case to go before the Supreme Court, it
seems the biggest obstacle for the Obama administration is figuring out
where power would be limited if the mandate were upheld. Those challenging
the law have made a clear and understandable limit by drawing a distinction
between regulating activity and regulating inactivity (i.e. the decision not
to purchase insurance). But simply saying the health care market is unique
doesn't actually create a very clear or understandable limit to
Congressional power.

The 11th Circuit hears the case next week brought by 26 states led by
Florida.

.         Beltway Confidential
<http://washingtonexaminer.com/blogs/beltway-confidential> 

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