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> Op 9-jun.-2014 om 00:46 heeft Michel Bauwens <[email protected]> het 
> volgende geschreven:
> 
> fyi
> 
> ---------- Forwarded message ----------
> From: Örsan Şenalp <[email protected]>
> Date: fyiSun, Jun 1, 2014 at 10:29 AM
> Subject: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: Valparaiso, Chile: Solidarity, Resistance, 
> Recovery
> To: "[email protected]" 
> <[email protected]>, commoning 
> <[email protected]>
> 
> 
> Commons Valpariso... 
> 
> ---------- Forwarded message ----------
> From: peter waterman <[email protected]>
> Date: 1 June 2014 17:17
> Subject: Valparaiso, Chile: Solidarity, Resistance, Recovery
> To: WSFDiscuss List <[email protected]>, Debate is 
> a listserve that attempts to promote information and analyses of interest to 
> the independent left in South and Southern Africa <[email protected]>, 
> Örsan Şenalp <[email protected]>, [email protected], 
> gina vargas <[email protected]>
> 
> 
> 
> 
> Emily Achtenberg: Solidarity, Resistance, and Recovery
> 
> Z Communications Daily Commentary
> On May 24, a coalition of neighborhood groups, students, labor unions, and 
> other civil society organizations convened a popular assembly in Valparaíso, 
> the major Chilean port city devastated by a raging fire last month. 
> Announcing their aim to develop a grassroots plan for the recovery and 
> reconstruction of Valparaíso, the Coordinadora for the Defense of Valparaíso 
> also demanded a temporary freeze on construction permits and the resignation 
> of right-wing mayor Jorge Castro.
> 
> “The destruction and abandonment of Valparaíso, of which this conflagration 
> is an unfortunate result, has authors who must assume [responsibility for] 
> the consequences of their reproachable acts and omissions,” the 
> Coordinadora’s statement reads in part. The Coordinadora blames powerful 
> political and economic interests for the “twin tragedies” of abandonment and 
> real estate speculation that are destroying Valparaíso, and wants them to be 
> held accountable.
> 
> The April 12 fire—the worst in Valparaíso’s history—raged for 5 days, 
> scorching more than four square miles of land on seven hillsides. The 
> conflagration destroyed 3,000 houses, killed 15 people, and left 12,000 
> homeless. The city remained under military control for a month.
> 
> Valparaíso, a UNESCO world heritage site, is famous for its unique topography 
> and architecture, characterized by brightly painted, improvised wooden houses 
> that climb the steep hillsides, forming a natural amphitheater that overlooks 
> the port. It is a city of political contrasts, the birthplace of both 
> Salvador Allende and Augusto Pinochet. Boasting a strong union base that 
> provided a bastion of popular support for Allende, it is also the home of the 
> Chilean navy, from which the 1973 military coup was launched.
> 
> Today, Valparaíso is an increasingly popular elite tourist destination, as 
> well as a focal point for Chile’s combative student movement. Economically, 
> its population has one of the most unequal income distributions in Chile. 
> Twenty-two percent of the city’s residents live below the poverty line, 
> compared to a national average of 14%.
> 
> Like most South American cities, Valparaíso’s development patterns reflect 
> its rigid class divisions, with the wealthy occupying the coastal flatlands 
> in the center and impoverished families spreading out over the heights on the 
> northern and southern periphery. The areas most affected by the fire were 
> poor hillside communities, settled by urban migrant families through a 
> continuing process of land takeovers that has occurred since the early 1970s. 
> Reportedly, Valparaíso—Chile’s third largest metropolitan region—has the 
> largest number of campamentos (informal settlements) in the country.
> 
> According to a recent government survey of nine campamentos that were 
> completely destroyed by the fire, 83% of the affected resident households are 
> headed by women, most of whom work in the informal sector as street vendors 
> or carton recyclers. Sixty percent of the population is under the age of 30. 
> Many displaced families lack formal title to their land, potentially 
> compromising their eligibility for government rehousing and rebuilding 
> subsidies. As a result, they have chosen to remain camped out amidst the 
> charred remnants of their homes rather than relocate to temporary government 
> shelters and risk permanent eviction.
> 
> To be sure, fires—fanned by strong coastal summer winds and spreading quickly 
> over difficult-to-access hillsides—have plagued Valparaíso throughout its 
> history. In recent years, prolonged drought and unseasonably high 
> temperatures associated with climate change have exacerbated the risks of 
> these natural conditions. But, as Sebastián Gray, president of Chile’s 
> College of Architects, notes, the recent fire also represents a colossal 
> political failure of the state in terms of urban planning, design, 
> infrastructure, public services, and regulation. “The fire is the result of a 
> complete lack of [governmental] responsibility that has accumulated over the 
> past 40 years, as the city has grown,” Gray charges.
> 
> Apart from regularizing some land titles, according to Gray, the city has 
> done little to address the problems caused by unregulated peripheral growth. 
> It has not discouraged settlements in the most precarious zones, or 
> redesigned narrow, winding hillside streets to accommodate emergency 
> vehicles. It has abandoned the water supply system invented by Valaparaíso’s 
> firefighters and municipal workers 100 years ago, which utilized a large 
> hilltop reservoir for storage (the reservoir is finally now being renovated). 
> The lack of working fire hydrants and water supply sources on the hilltops 
> was a principal abetting cause of the fire.
> 
> Mounting combustible garbage in the ravines, due to the city’s failure to 
> provide adequate hillside trash collection services, also fueled the fire’s 
> rapid spread. Valparaíso residents blame Mayor Castro for failing to protest 
> when ex-president Sebastián Piñera cancelled national funding for a ravine 
> cleanup program several years ago. According to Gray, over the years the 
> Chilean state has increasingly abandoned its municipalities to fend for 
> themselves, leading to extreme disparities in the level of services provided 
> by rich and poor cities. Historically, despite its strategic importance as a 
> port city, Valparaíso has been cash-strapped—in part because the port does 
> not pay for its use of city services and the costs it imposes on the 
> municipality.
> 
> While ignoring the needs of Valparaíso’s poorest residents, the city’s 
> political and economic elites have encouraged downtown redevelopment projects 
> like the Barón Mall, a massive harbor-side shopping center with superstores 
> and hotels now under construction by a private company on land acquired 
> (cheaply) from the port. The national Housing Ministry is slated to provide 
> more than $21 million in subsidies to the project. Although UNESCO recently 
> warned that the development could jeopardize Valparaíso’s status as a world 
> heritage site, both municipal and national authorities have vowed to proceed 
> with it.
> 
> Meanwhile, the government’s post-disaster response has been widely criticized 
> as inadequate, disorganized, and delayed. Mayor Castro provoked his own 
> political firestorm by responding to an irate fire victim, “Who invited you 
> to live here?” At least one group of displaced residents has threatened to go 
> on hunger strike in protest.
> 
> In stark contrast to the failures of the state, Valparaíso’s fire victims 
> have experienced an unprecedented outpouring of solidarity and support from 
> civil society organizations. Thousands of volunteers have been mobilized by 
> labor unions, community organizations, local soccer clubs, and, especially, 
> student groups, to assist families with day-to-day survival, cleanup, and 
> rebuilding activities.
> 
> Communal cooking facilities (reminiscent of “Las Ollas Comunas”—the “common 
> pot” soup kitchens from the dictatorship era) have been established in 
> affected neighborhoods by youth and worker organizations, spawned by a social 
> media campaign labeled “Una Cuadra, Una Cocina” (“one block, one kitchen”). 
> Local agricultural suppliers have donated truckloads of produce. Students at 
> three universities launched a “solidarity strike” to demand time away from 
> classes for volunteer work. These community-led and self-managed relief 
> efforts have proved to be much more successful than the state’s formal 
> disaster response.
> 
> Similar to the links forged between Occupy activists and communities 
> decimated by Hurricane Sandy, these alliances have now given rise to a 
> nascent community-based reconstruction planning initiative. In both 
> situations, daunting challenges and questions remain. Should residents be 
> allowed (or entitled) to return and rebuild on precarious sites that pose a 
> continuing environmental risk? Can a disparate grassroots coalition born of 
> disaster maintain sufficient unity and political leverage to affect the 
> outcome of a protracted reconstruction planning process? From New York City 
> to Valparaíso, whether an urban catastrophe can become an opportunity for 
> progressive change remains to be seen.
> 
> Emily Achtenberg is an urban planner and the author of NACLA’s Rebel Currents 
> blog, covering Latin American social movements and progressive governments 
> (MailScanner has detected a possible fraud attempt from "send.zcomm.org" 
> claiming to be nacla.org/blog/rebel-currents).
> 
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