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> From: "Brian K. Murphy" <[email protected]>
> Date: 13 augustus 2014 14:05:37 CEST
> To: <[email protected]>
> Subject: [WSF-Discuss] Richard Swift : Contemplating the Commons.
> Reply-To: Discussion list about the WSF 
> <[email protected]>
> 
> Excerpted with permission from S.O.S: Alternatives to Capitalism by Richard 
> Swift, Between the Lines, 2014 [http://btlbooks.com/book/sos ].
> *****************************************
> 
> http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1006.php
> The Commons As a Fount of Hope
> by Richard Swift
> 
> The commons is not just a battlefield between corporate predators and those 
> who resist them - it is also a source of hope for those willing to imagine a 
> world beyond capitalism. It represents a space between the private market and 
> the political state in which humanity can control and democratically root our 
> common wealth. Both the market and the state have proved inadequate for this 
> purpose. In different ways, they have both led to a centralization of power 
> and decision-making. Both private monopolies and state bureaucracies have 
> proved incapable of maintaining the ecological health of the commons or 
> managing the fair and equitable distribution of its benefits.
> The conservative ecologist Garrett Hardin's belief that the commons is facing 
> a tragedy was based on the notion that individual self-interest in exploiting 
> common resources was undercutting the overall health of those limited 
> resources.[1] Hardin maintained that individual self-interest trumps any 
> more-thoughtful notion of preserving resources for future use. External 
> restraints needed to be imposed. To prove his point, Hardin used the example 
> of the individual herder taking more than their share of pastureland. It 
> assumes a human behavior that is all too familiar to those who have seen the 
> global fishery depleted and seen watersheds destroyed by those hungry for 
> land to grow crops.
> 
> Hardin's solution was to divide up the commons into private property and 
> public goods administered through the market and the state. But it scarcely 
> seems to follow that if the commons is turned into private property or put 
> under the supervision of some distant state bureaucracy that it will fare 
> much better. These days, the two will likely form a 'public-private 
> partnership' and any regime of fair-use regulation will go out the window. 
> There is also a question of scale. Is it better to have many small inshore 
> artisanal fishers or to turn the fishery over to Big Capital and the 
> high-tech trawler fleets? How could it make sense to push small farmers off 
> food-producing land so that large biofuel producers can help keep our 
> unsustainable love affair with the private automobile alive? When Hardin's 
> self-interested human nature is combined with large-scale private ownership, 
> it is likely to yield ever more short-sighted results. It is no way to manage 
> the commons.
> 
> Managing the Commons
> It is far better to rethink how the commons is managed and to include as many 
> of the players as possible so as to achieve a better result. If decisions 
> rested with local communities or regions, in combination with users of 
> various types both local and remote (environmentalists, fishers, miners, 
> farmers, consumers), and were placed within a legal framework that takes 
> future generations into account, it would seem likely to produce a more 
> durable form of stewardship. This might also in the long run develop other 
> potentialities of human behavior than the narrow self-interest that Hardin so 
> feared.
> An alternative to capitalism must in the end be based on a more complex sense 
> of the human than orthodox economists' notion that we are all hardwired to a 
> rational calculus of individual costs and benefits. The influential commons 
> theorist Elinor Ostrom proposes a different, more optimistic, notion of the 
> human potential for managing the commons. Ostrom won the Nobel Prize in 
> economics for her seminal 1990 work Governing the Commons.[2] She believes 
> that:
> "we live in a web of social relations infused with norms and values; we are 
> intrinsically co-operative and as a result collective action is possible and 
> may lead to sustainable and equitable governance practices."[3]
> 
> Ostrom does not commit herself to an ambitious political program of replacing 
> state and market with more direct democratic practices. But she opens up the 
> debate about how the commons should be governed rather than just assuming the 
> market abetted by the state can handle the job. For Ostrom, a process of 
> 'deliberative democracy' is essential if there is to be proper human 
> stewardship of the commons. Others in the commons movement carry the analysis 
> further and see in the commons the potential to restructure the underlying 
> configuration of power between markets, states and societies.
> 
> Democratic Promise
> This begins to give some indication of the democratic promise of the commons 
> as a potential cornerstone in working out an alternative to capitalism. It 
> takes on the ascendant neoliberalism of the commons privatizers while 
> avoiding the dysfunctional effects of top-down state planning and centralized 
> public ownership that have undercut previous efforts to build a socialism 
> centered on the state. It moves beyond the sterile debate between an 
> inadequate state and a rapacious market. Instead it explores the idea of a 
> decentralized eco-democracy founded on what in the commons is vital to both 
> human and biosphere survival. It extends democratic decision-making to ensure 
> egalitarian economic outcomes. Here is one example of a commons-based popular 
> initiative from Greece (made vulnerable to privatization pressure because of 
> the debt crisis):
> "In the Greek city of Thessaloniki, a coalition of citizens' groups called 
> Initiative 136 is creating a new organization to compete with Suez [a French 
> water corporation] in the tender for the Rebuilding the alternatives 
> Southern-style acquisition of the shares and the management of Thessaloniki's 
> Water and Sewerage Company. The dual goal is to prevent privatization and 
> replace the model of state administration that has failed to protect the 
> public character of water resources and infrastructure, and secure genuine 
> democratic control of the city's water by its citizens. The management would 
> be organized through local co-operatives, with citizen participation. 
> Initiative 136 is an effort to pre-empt privatization before it is 
> implemented, with an attractive concrete alternative in the form of improved 
> public management."[4]
> 
> Multiply such initiatives many times and root them in the plethora of 
> different struggles currently being waged over the commons and you start to 
> get a sense of radical democratic promise. While the term 'commons' has many 
> meanings, both spiritual and philosophical, it is explored here mainly as a 
> political project. The core strategy is to design institutional arrangements 
> that move beyond state and market and put the commons back into the service 
> of society as a whole. The underlying principles of such institutions need to 
> be based on a variety of forms of self-organization and collective ownership 
> rights, which is exactly what Initiative 136 in Thessaloniki is attempting to 
> achieve.
> 
> There are many other examples. The fishers of the Turkish port of Alanya 
> manage their part of the global commons by allocating each fishing boat a 
> clearly prescribed area of the Mediterranean according to the results of a 
> lottery. They then rotate from area to area: from September to January, every 
> day, each boat moves east to the next location. From February to May they 
> move west. All fishers get the same opportunity as the fish stocks migrate. 
> The system is collectively monitored and enforced. Problems are rare - and 
> generally resolved in the local coffee house. As Ostrom notes, "Alanya 
> provides an example of a self-governed, common-property arrangement in which 
> rules have been devised and modified by the participants themselves and also 
> are monitored and enforced by them."[5] The co-operative self-management of a 
> particular commons is likely to pay more attention to its long-term health 
> and viability. The implications can be far-reaching.:
> "...the abiding logic of the commons is not based, as we have seen, on a 
> balancing act between the roles of the state and the market, but on the idea 
> of a polycentrism, decentralization and agreement between those touched by 
> common problems. More co-operation, less competition. More conservation and 
> the dynamics of resilience with regard to resources and their relationship 
> with the environment than erosion, limitless exploitation and unstoppable 
> appropriation."[6]
> 
> New Horizontal Commons Democracy
> Other commons-based movements, striving for an alternative ethos, are just 
> getting started. Attempts to create a horizontal commons democracy include 
> the Right to the City movement and other urban initiatives inspired by the 
> French libertarian Marxist Henri Lefebvre. Right to the City has gained 
> traction in South Africa with the Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) shackdwellers' 
> movement, which is active in a number of cities across the country, and in 
> the German city of Hamburg, where it has inspired a network of squatters, 
> tenants and artists. It has become a rallying point also in U.S. cities such 
> as Miami and Boston, and a source of inspiration in India, where Rajapalaya 
> Lake in central Bangalore has been the focus of a fight to maintain a livable 
> urban commons in very crowded conditions.
> 
> Some struggles combine resistance and vision. In Quebec, 2012 witnessed a 
> remarkable movement of students against the commodification of education, 
> which put the besieged notion of free advanced education back on the public 
> agenda. Their struggle, which helped to bring down a provincial government, 
> could act as a template for those trying to recover the educational commons 
> from the pressures of commercialization. In the 1990s there was a successful 
> national fishers' strike in India that prevented the government of the time 
> from handing over the Indian fishery to big trawler operators. Countless 
> other examples, big and small, dot the daily press but are often just 
> restricted to obscure websites.
> 
> Commons battles tend to gain attention when they precipitate or are part of 
> some larger struggle that involves active confrontation with those in power. 
> This is, however, really just the tip of the iceberg. If you examine the 
> specialist literature you will discover that almost everywhere there are 
> attempts to make the self-management of the commons a reality. There is an 
> International Journal of the Commons which acts as a forum for debate about 
> commons issues and case studies of successes and failures. A quick look 
> through the table of contents provides a sense of both the scope of the 
> commons and of initiatives being taken to extend their democratic 
> self-management. Here are but a few of the examples:
>     * The commons in a multi-level world
>     * The European Union Baltic fishery
>     * Irrigation systems in southeastern Spain
>     * A new marine commons off the Chilean coast
>     * The cockles fishery in coastal Ecuador
>     * Commons resource management in southern Namibia
>     * Technology-dependent commons
>     * Participative action in Kafue Flats in Zambia
>     * An environmental response to the globalizing forestry industry
>     * Southeast Asia: rewarding the upland poor for saving the commons
>     * Self-governance of the global microbial commons
>     * Icelandic health records
>     * The commons and community development in the eastern Caribbean.[7]
> 
> This list provides evidence that the commons is not some obscure issue but 
> one that runs in one way or another through  the lives of most of the world's 
> people, often on a daily basis. The scope is truly impressive. It also has a 
> lot of complex nuts and bolts to it with which we need to get to grips. But 
> it is a complexity we need to embrace, eschewing simple-minded monocultural 
> solutions in the process. This is an ongoing effort that will involve many.
> 
> But it must remain beyond the scope of this essay. Here we are just 
> emphasizing the peril and potential of the commons. It has the potential to 
> become a new legal basis for the foundation of common rights to set against 
> the threat of public-private partnerships. If this does not succeed, then we 
> risk everything, not least our genetic make-up and that of the plants and 
> animals with which we share the earth, being turned into corporate private 
> property. The stakes are high. The commons are connected to our sense of 
> place, to our identities, livelihoods and self-expression - ultimately even 
> to our survival as a species. This is a good place to start envisioning a 
> radical democratic alternative that gives people a fundamental say in their 
> individual and collective futures. As such, recasting our relationship with 
> the commons should take pride of place as we build an alternative to 
> capitalism. *
> 
> Excerpted with permission from S.O.S: Alternatives to Capitalism by Richard 
> Swift, Between the Lines, 2014 [SEE : http://btlbooks.com/book/sos ].
> 
> Endnotes:
> 
> 1. Garrett Hardin, "The tragedy of the commons," Science 162 (1968).
> 
> 2. Elinor Ostrom, Governing the Commons, Cambridge University Press, 1991.
> 
> 3. Danijela Dolenec, "The commons as a radical democratic project," 
> br.boell.org Nov 2012.
> 
> 4. municipalservicesproject.org
> 
> 5. p2pfoundation.net/Cybernetics_of_the_Commons
> 
> 6. Joan Subirats, "The commons beyond state and market," 12 Jul 2012.
> 
> 7. thecommonsjournal.org
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