This article is profound in explaining that self-determination and class
struggle are not in conflict. In fact they complimentary in fight against
sustainable repulsion of imperialism.
Sbusiso Xaba

2009/8/16 Mawande Jack <[email protected]>

>   Nationalism, Self-Determination and Socialist Revolution
>
> *This article appeared in the journal Forward in the 1980s. Forward was
> published by the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L).*
>
> ------------------------------
>
> *By Amiri Baraka*
>
> *In the following article Amiri Baraka addresses the topics of
> nationalism, national consciousness and internationalism. This essay
> originally appeared in the Fall/Winter 1982 issue of The Black Nation.
> Forward is reprinting this because these topics are of continuing
> importance for the progressive movement in the US. *
>
> Although the right of Self-Determination is a democratic demand, a
> political reform, obviously it must be upheld by people calling themselves
> Marxists. Lenin said, social
> democrats who refuse to uphold the right of Self-Determination should be
> denounced as social imperialists and scoundrels.
>
> The reason for this is that how can one be fighting for socialism and not
> even uphold democracy? But also it is part of the approach of building all
> around proletarian unity, upholding democracy for all nations and
> nationalities; so that proletarian unity is embodied by the joining together
> of workers of all nationalities in order to smash imperialism and monopoly
> capitalism, and all the ills these scourges bring with them such as national
> oppression, racism, the oppression of women and the like. This is what we
> mean by proletarian internationalism.
>
> Marxists are internationalists. And even if they are Marxists of an
> oppressed nationality, they seek to join with workers of other nationalities
> in smashing their oppression and all oppression and exploitation even with
> workers of the oppressor nation! Ultimately genuine Marxists know that “no
> nation can be free if it oppresses another nation.” They also understand
> that national oppression cannot be ended until the elimination of class
> exploitation and that their own national oppression is just one particular
> aspect of the outrages of monopoly capitalism and imperialism.
>
> Marxist revolutionaries understand that the national oppression of the
> African American Nation, for instance, is based economically on the system
> of monopoly capitalism (that is its material base), and that the only
> beneficiaries of this oppression is that minute percentage of the U.S.
> population that makes up the white racist monopoly capitalist class, plus
> those relatively small sectors of the working class and petty bourgeoisie
> who have been bribed with some of the spoils of imperialism, particularly
> the robbery and denial of rights of the African American masses.
>
> A Marxist is an internationalist, but also as Mao pointed out the Marxist
> of an oppressed nation must also be a patriot. The fight against that
> nation’s national oppression is “internationalism applied.” Marxists cannot
> be so involved with theoretically upholding internationalism that they
> dismiss their own nation’s concrete national liberation struggle — that
> would be a caricature of Marxism. This is precisely why Mao wrote this
> essay, to counter those people disguised as Marxists who wanted to
> “liquidate the national question.” Lenin fought the same battle with Rosa
> Luxemburg and the Polish and Dutch Social Democrats, among other Marxists in
> the early 20th century who wanted to deny the right of Self-Determination as
> an exercise in reformism or nationalism.
>
> But to talk rationally of internationalism, one must understand and fight
> for the freedom of all nations! In the U.S., one of the main deterrents in
> really multinational communist organizing has been incorrect political
> positions on the national question, particularly the Afro-American National
> Question. For a long time the liquidationist and chauvinist positions held
> sway in the CPUSA, and actually it was Lenin and Stalin and the weight of
> the Third International, plus the agitation and struggle of correct comrades
> including several Afro-American cadre, that forced the CPUSA to take the
> correct position upholding Self-Determination for the Afro-American Nation
> in the Black Belt South.
>
> The question of Self-Determination is a question of the extension of all
> around democracy to all nations; it is not Marxists winking at nationalism.
> Marxists oppose nationalism, a bourgeois ideology which promotes the
> privilege, primacy and exclusiveness of the nation. Nationalism is not the
> same thing as patriotism which Mao said was applied internationalism in the
> case of oppressed nations, and is not the same as national consciousness
> which we will talk more of later. Lenin said that even the bourgeois
> nationalism of an oppressed nation has elements of democracy in it, to the
> extent to which such nationalists fight against imperialism. So Marxists
> support “the nationalists in the sense of a negative support,” that is we
> support nationalists to the extent to which they fight imperialism, but
> there is no support whatsoever for nationalism, per se!
>
> It would seem obvious to any advanced observer of a society like the U.S.,
> for instance, that nationalism has been one of the greatest assets the U.S.
> ruling class has possessed. The class struggle inside the oppressor nation
> that the imperialist U.S. is, in relationship to the African American or
> Chicano Nations, is consistently repressed, diverted, fragmented and held
> off by the white racist monopoly capitalist ruling class having infected
> sectors of the white working class with the drug of white supremacy.
> Chauvinism, Lenin called, opportunism in its most developed and finished
> state, where the bourgeoisie could use “its workers” to fight against the
> workers of another nation! Such chauvinism has the same economic base as
> opportunism, the bribe of a small section of the workers and petty
> bourgeoisie with the spoils of imperialism. And in the U.S. those spoils are
> literally ripped off the Blacks and other oppressed nationalities. This is
> that sector which is paid for collaborating in the superexploitation of
> African Americans, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Native Americans, Asians and so
> forth.
>
> It is nationalism that can divide the workers so that the workers of one
> nationality are struggling against the workers of another nationality for a
> few illusory crumbs the rulers throw out exactly for that purpose! It is
> nationalism that can pit groups of workers against each other with the most
> hideous rage, while their mutual oppressors skip off with both their purses
> for a little sun and fun.
>
> Nationalism is a bourgeois ideology which developed with the emergence of
> nations and the rise and development of capitalism. Nationalism serves the
> bourgeoisie in the sense that they are seeking a market for their goods, and
> their national market is always primary as capitalism develops. And
> nationalism serves to help that bourgeoisie secure its national market.
> Joseph Stalin writes, “The market is the first school in which the
> bourgeoisie learns its nationalism.” (page 31, Marxism and the National
> Question)
>
> Black national oppression, based as it is on the slave trade and the
> enslaving of African Americans, has created an obvious and even
> “justifiable” ground for Black nationalism. The fact that white supremacy
> has been the most easily defined instrument in that national oppression
> creates a situation where Black nationalism can flourish. But even so, the
> majority of African Americans are not nationalists. In fact, part of the
> struggle to strengthen the BLM must be in creating a stronger national
> consciousness among the African American people, i.e., an awareness of the
> Afro-American Nation and of the political necessities of Black survival and
> development.
>
> The BLM, the national liberation struggle of Black people in the U.S., must
> include the heightening of national consciousness, identity and
> self-respect. But these are not the same as nationalism, an ideology a world
> outlook, promoted by the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie that advocates
> the primacy; exclusiveness and privilege of “their” nation.
>
> The masses of the oppressed peoples want national equality, democratic
> rights for their nationality equal with all other nations. This is why in
> essence the Black struggle, the struggle of the African American Nation for
> Self-Determination is a national democratic struggle, the struggle as an
> oppressed nation for liberation.
>
> Nationalism, though, means exclusivism and isolation. Any nationalism
> finally implies that those people are better than all others. The Black
> struggle is for equality, in essence, not “superiority.” We are the victims
> of a nationalism that preaches superiority and inferiority. We have seen its
> obscene terror and oppression. We are not fighting so that we can put these
> on somebody else.
>
> And further. Bourgeois nationalism ultimately does not serve the real
> interests of the masses of that nationality. As ironic as this sounds,
> nationalism does not ultimately serve the nation. This is true and has been
> proven correct time and again. Bourgeois nationalism after a certain point
> isolates the oppressed masses from their mass allies and delivers them into
> the hands of the exploiters and reactionaries of their own nationality. In
> today’s world, imperialism must be destroyed to destroy national oppression
> and certainly this couldn’t be more true than here in the heartland of the
> U.S. superpower.
>
> Zionism should teach us at this moment more forcibly than anything else,
> how even the most “justifiable” nationalism, taken to its logical
> conclusion, can end up justifying the slaughter of almost anybody else
> outside the nation. Certainly, the slaughter of six million Jews by Nazi
> fascism (rule by the most nationalistic sector of finance capital) made
> Zionism seem attractive and reasonable to many people who had never taken it
> seriously before. Now we see the Israelis, themselves turned into fascists,
> slaughtering the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples, justifying it with
> Israeli nationalism.
>
> Within the BLM, the nationalist sector is small, but admittedly very vocal
> and active. There has also emerged from out of that sector some of the
> fiercest fighters against Black national oppression. (The fact of white
> supremacy and chauvinism even on the Left, made multinational organizing
> difficult and kept Black fighters in organizations isolated, contributes to
> this fact.) However, in the mid-70s a great many of the younger generation
> of erstwhile Black nationalists and Pan-Africanists took up Marxism-Leninism
> in a stunning development created perhaps by more exposure of their
> generation to an atmosphere of international struggle against imperialism
> made more familiar by modern communications media and the fact that some of
> the leading African revolutionaries like Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral,
> Samora Machel, Mangaliso Sobukwe, Augostino Neto Nelson Mandela and
> liberation organizations like the PAIGC, MPLA, PAC, ANC, ZANU, SWAPO did not
> take bourgeois nationalist lines and were often heavily influenced by
> Marxism.
>
> Plus struggles in Black communities had in quite a few cases risen to a
> level where some aspect of partial political democracy was won and the
> electing or appointing of Black politicians to office quickly revealed that
> nationality is not the same as political correctness. This was made clear in
> places like Newark, Detroit, Los Angeles and Atlanta, where Black activists
> had to go up against Black political infrastructures with many of the same
> characteristics of neo-colonialism in the third world.
>
> Unfortunately, since that incendiary crossover of many of the most active
> and informed members of the BLM into the M-L movement, that movement
> generally has bogged down and been victimized by a general move to the right
> of U.S. society. The anti-revisionist M-L movement is a young movement, but
> it has had to survive the shallow, often idealistic enthusiasm of the
> mid-70s and its virulent “left” and right opportunism, just as it has to
> survive the wave of disillusion and right opportunism that now beset it. The
> large number of petty bourgeois cadres in the U.S. Marxist- Leninist
> movement help account for some part of these extremes and political
> vacillation.
>
> But what is obvious is that the M-L movement has not given leadership to
> the mass movement in the U.S. as it must if a genuine M-L communist party is
> to be built. Certainly this is true in the BLM. Too often, not only is the
> M-L movement not giving the overall guidance and leadership that the mass
> movement needs, it is tailing the various sectors of the mass movement
> whether it is the Black Democrat sector or the Black nationalist sector or
> the Black Christian sector.
>
> In the same way that the old RU (Revolutionary Union, now RCP) tailed the
> most reactionary sectors of the white working class movement, screaming
> “smash busing” along with the racists, we also have would-be M-Ls tailing
> cultural nationalists or Christian nationalists, or elected officials or
> union leaders or “community leaders” or “reverends” and legitimizing it by
> saying that this is their mass work. The role of communists is to represent
> the working class and to ensure working class leadership in the mass
> movements. A communist organization must lead by its stance, viewpoint and
> action.
>
> One example of what I would call “a militant tail” is when the so-called
> M-Ls like the RCP and CWP (Communist Workers Party, now called the New
> Democratic Movement –ed) showed up at an NBUF (National Black United Front)
> rally in Brooklyn called to protest the murder of Luis Baez by police. These
> two “super” revolutionary groups then staged separate little demonstrations
> off the side of the main body of people, because they said the leadership of
> the NBUF was reformist. So the NBUF calls the rally, organizes the people,
> and then the RCP and CWP show up being super revolutionary off to the side
> with their small coteries of cultists denouncing the mass movement — not the
> police, but the mass movement. The Black nationalists had a field day
> denouncing “white folks” obstructing a Black rally and the masses thought
> both these groups were some kind of hippies.
>
> But this tailing from the right or “left” is one of the reasons that the
> mass movement is often led by nationalists or social democrats or
> revisionists. Another reason is the failure to mount consistent and
> principled struggle with the various non-Marxist organizations and leaders.
> Certainly, in the BLM there has been no consistent criticism of the various
> Black organizations by M-L organizations. They have usually treated these
> organizations, certainly the nationalist ones, as if they didn’t exist, only
> to tail them in real life. Going to their rallies, programs, conventions,
> and not taking the lead in organizing these events themselves.
>
> Too many so-called M-Ls even think the mass movement is the nationalist
> sector of the BLM. Certainly RWH revealed this in their recent pamphlet on
> the Afro-American national question. But go to any large program or event
> given by nationalists and so forth and you’ll find all kinds of M-Ls there,
> but where are the forums and the rallies and the marches and the mass
> movement organized and led by the M-Ls?
>
> Tailing the mass movement, “everything through a united front” as Mao put
> it, falling to struggle principledly with various trends within the BLM only
> supports the less advanced sectors of the movement, such as nationalism.
> These are clear right deviations and instead of “winning the advanced to
> communism” too often the M-L movement, through its own present right errors
> and some “left” errors as well, leave the leadership of the mass movement to
> the nationalists and make them stronger than they would be if we waged
> consistent and principled ideological struggle against them. The
> relationship of Marxists to the mass movement is unity and struggle, not
> just unity!
>
> The BLM for democracy and Self- Determination exists in the U.S. not only
> alongside other National Liberation struggles, e.g., the Chicano and Native
> American movements for Self- Determination, there are other oppressed
> nationalities (not necessarily nations in the U.S.) fighting for equality
> and against racism, such as the Puerto Ricans and Asian Americans. Yet, at
> the same time the masses of African Americans and these other oppressed
> nationalities are also, along with white workers, members of the
> multinational U.S. working class.
>
> The working class recognizes and supports all the various struggles against
> National Oppression, but the struggle that unifies that class completely
> must be the struggle to smash monopoly capitalism forever. Therefore the
> class-conscious African American workers must fight consciously not only for
> Self-Determination for the Afro-American Nation but for the victory of the
> whole working class. Such a class-conscious worker must support all the just
> struggles of the various oppressed nationalities, but also see a primary the
> collective struggle of the multinational working class.
>
> Actually, the Afro-American struggle for Self- Determination is fought
> against the same enemy that the multinational working class fights against,
> that is, the white racist monopoly capitalist class which rules the U.S. and
> is the chief beneficiary of U.S. imperialism. So that a well-organized and
> fighting multinational workers movement must attack the same chief enemy of
> the Black Nation — the white racist monopoly capitalist class — the U.S.
> imperialist class.
>
> This is why the strategic alliance between the multinational working class
> and oppressed nationalities is so critical. It is the creation of a
> conscious fighting unity, a revolutionary unity, that monopoly capitalism
> cannot withstand. This is also why nationalism is so divisive and
> destructive and ultimately only serves the bourgeoisie.
>
> The successful national liberation movement, unless it is led by the
> working class, only defeats foreign domination, it does not eliminate class
> exploitation within that nation. We’ve seen liberation movements defeat
> foreign domination only to become neo-colonial states governed by a domestic
> bourgeoisie who are absolutely in collaboration with the ex-rulers (see M.
> Babu, African Socialism or Socialist Africa, Zed Press).
>
> A national liberation movement led by the working class not only will take
> the revolution through to the end, it then continues without pause into the
> phase of eliminating class exploitation and building socialism.
>
> The struggle for Black Self-Determination, objectively, is a struggle
> against the U.S. imperialist class — its monopoly capitalist state has
> always been based on Black slavery; It would be a caricature of Black
> concerns to say, “All right, the multinational working class is fighting the
> monopoly capitalist class for a socialist society but we Black people are
> fighting for a Black capitalist society.” The Black bourgeoisie and the less
> advanced sectors of the petty bourgeoisie might co-sign such a statement,
> but Black workers would not willingly remain the doormats for yet another
> exploitive regime. Our struggle is to end exploitation — ours as well as
> everyone else’s.
>
> Even such a fantasy Black capitalist state would see civil war as item
> number one on the workers’ agenda (or have you read the news from Kenya,
> Zaire, etc., recently?) Black people are not fighting white imperialism so
> they can find themselves under the brutish rule of domestic Arap Moi’s,
> Mobutu’s and Amin’s, and believe me, brothers and sisters, we have quite a
> few of them telling us how bad white folks are — but ask them do they want
> to smash class society and capitalism forever? Some of these nationalists
> already exist in organizations whose narrow, oppressive structures and
> ideologies are chilling projections of what they have in store for all of
> us.
>
> The BLM is not directly a struggle for socialism, it is a struggle for
> democracy; But it’s just these struggles for democracy, in all areas of U.S.
> life that will bring the masses of all nationalities to revolutionary
> positions. In the ‘20s, Lenin pointed out that after the Soviet socialist
> revolution the national liberation struggles should no longer be termed
> “bourgeois democratic” struggles but “national democratic” or “national
> revolutionary.” As these struggles aided the proletariat’s struggle against
> imperialism and led by the working class, these struggles did not have to
> create a capitalist state controlled by a domestic bourgeoisie but could
> move uninterruptedly to socialism. The first socialist revolution had
> pointed the way past capitalism! The victory of the People’s Republic of
> China proved this thesis brilliantly.
>
> In a multinational state, such as the U.S., to isolate the African American
> people or their liberation movement is to do the imperialist bourgeoisie’s
> work for them. Segregation has, in the main, been the way that the rulers
> have kept people outside the mainstream of democratic struggles in this
> country; Segregation has enabled us fewer allies, fewer links with the
> collective workers movement and other oppressed nationalities. To push
> nationalism in the 1980s is to narrow our struggle rather than to broaden
> it. Genuine revolutionaries need allies, and they must have allies to
> strengthen their fight. The Israeli fascists prefer to fight the
> Palestinians with as few allies as possible – keep the struggle narrow with
> all information hard to come by – with only the modern U.S-supplied Israeli
> war machine in state power versus the less well-armed and stateless
> Palestinians. The fact that the Palestinians are fighting a national
> liberation struggle is unquestionable, to suggest that they become narrow
> nationalists pushing some metaphysical and exclusivist Palestinian
> “superiority” would not only be bizarre, but Israeli foreign policy. The
> Israelis would love it. So too, any movement to give the BLM fewer ties with
> other advanced and fighting forces would be made in Ronnie Reagan’s heaven.
>
> The movement for Black Self-Determination must be supported by
> class-conscious workers of every nationality. That must be the strategic
> line in the BLM. Nationalism is opposed to this. The BLM is part of an
> unbreakable fabric of anti-imperialist struggle. Black liberation can only
> genuinely exist with the destruction of monopoly capitalism. The destroyer
> of monopoly capitalism is the collective workers struggle, the victory of
> the multinational working class in alliance with the oppressed peoples and
> socialism!
>
> The principal task for advanced forces, revolutionaries and class conscious
> workers in the U.S. is the creation of a multinational revolutionary M-L
> communist party. A party that can tie the various national, democratic and
> workers movements together and give them collective leadership. In many
> cases, nationalist movements among the various nationalities will oppose the
> creation of such a party. Communists working in the various mass movements
> must fight for such a party and they cannot do this without consistent
> criticism of and struggle against nationalist forces within the mass
> movement. Not only struggle against nationalism but against every deviation
> from revolutionary theory and practice – not in the spirit of Pharisees,
> critical but abstract, but with the spirit of living Marxism-Leninism-Mao
> Tse-Tung Thought, criticism and struggle for the sake of creating a higher
> level, of unity. It is just this kind of class struggle that makes the
> movement go forward!
>
> ------------------------------
>
> *Amiri Baraka is the well-known revolutionary playwright, poet and
> cultural worker. He is the editor of The Black Nation Magazine and a member
> of the Central Committee of the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L). *
>
>
>
> ------------------------------
>
> >
>
>


-- 
“I want people to remember me as someone whose life has been helpful to
humanity.” Sankara

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