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Sunday, January 30, 2005

A Mixed Story
By Juan Cole

I'm just appalled by the cheerleading tone of US news coverage of the
so-called elections in Iraq on Sunday. I said on television last week that
this event is a "political earthquake" and "a historical first step" for
Iraq. It is an event of the utmost importance, for Iraq, the Middle East,
and the world. All the boosterism has a kernel of truth to it, of course.
Iraqis hadn't been able to choose their leaders at all in recent decades,
even by some strange process where they chose unknown leaders. But this
process is not a model for anything, and would not willingly be imitated
by anyone else in the region. The 1997 elections in Iran were much more
democratic, as were the 2002 elections in Bahrain and Pakistan.

Moreover, as Swopa rightly reminds us all, the Bush administration opposed
one-person, one-vote elections of this sort. First they were going to turn
Iraq over to Chalabi within six months. Then Bremer was going to be
MacArthur in Baghdad for years. Then on November 15, 2003, Bremer
announced a plan to have council-based elections in May of 2004. The US
and the UK had somehow massaged into being provincial and municipal
governing councils, the members of which were pro-American. Bremer was
going to restrict the electorate to this small, elite group.

Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani immediately gave a fatwa denouncing this plan
and demanding free elections mandated by a UN Security Council resolution.
Bush was reportedly "extremely offended" at these two demands and opposed
Sistani. Bremer got his appointed Interim Governing Council to go along in
fighting Sistani. Sistani then brought thousands of protesters into the
streets in January of 2004, demanding free elections. Soon thereafter,
Bush caved and gave the ayatollah everything he demanded. Except that he
was apparently afraid that open, non-manipulated elections in Iraq might
become a factor in the US presidential campaign, so he got the elections
postponed to January 2005. This enormous delay allowed the country to fall
into much worse chaos, and Sistani is still bitter that the Americans
didn't hold the elections last May. The US objected that they couldn't use
UN food ration cards for registration, as Sistani suggested. But in the
end that is exactly what they did.

So if it had been up to Bush, Iraq would have been a soft dictatorship
under Chalabi, or would have had stage-managed elections with an
electorate consisting of a handful of pro-American notables. It was
Sistani and the major Shiite parties that demanded free and open elections
and a UNSC resolution. They did their job and got what they wanted. But
the Americans have been unable to provide them the requisite security for
truly aboveboard democratic elections.

With all the hoopla, it is easy to forget that this was an extremely
troubling and flawed "election." Iraq is an armed camp. There were troops
and security checkpoints everywhere. Vehicle traffic was banned. The
measures were successful in cutting down on car bombings that could have
done massive damage. But even these Draconian steps did not prevent
widespread attacks, which is not actually good news. There is every reason
to think that when the vehicle traffic starts up again, so will the
guerrilla insurgency.

The Iraqis did not know the names of the candidates for whom they were
supposedly voting. What kind of an election is anonymous! There were even
some angry politicians late last week who found out they had been included
on lists without their permission. Al-Zaman compared the election process
to buying fruit wholesale and sight unseen. (This is the part of the
process that I called a "joke," and I stand by that.)

This thing was more like a referendum than an election. It was a
referendum on which major party list associated with which major leader
would lead parliament.

Many of the voters came out to cast their ballots in the belief that it
was the only way to regain enough sovereignty to get American troops back
out of their country. The new parliament is unlikely to make such a demand
immediately, because its members will be afraid of being killed by the
Baath military. One fears a certain amount of resentment among the
electorate when this reticence becomes clear.

Iraq now faces many key issues that could tear the country apart, from the
issues of Kirkuk and Mosul to that of religious law. James Zogby on Wolf
Blitzer wisely warned the US public against another "Mission Accomplished"
moment. Things may gradually get better, but this flawed "election" isn't
a Mardi Gras for Americans and they'll regret it if that is the way they
treat it.

-------------

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/020105F.shtml

1 February 2005

The Shiite Earthquake: With non-Sunni Muslims poised to take power for the
first time, a new Iraq is being born. Will it survive its infancy?
By Juan Cole

  The elections held on Jan. 30 in Iraq were deeply flawed as a democratic
process, but they represent a political earthquake in Iraq and in the
Middle East. The old Shiite seminary city of Najaf, south of Baghdad,
appears poised to emerge as Iraq's second capital. For the first time in
the Arab Middle East, a Shiite majority has come to power. A
Shiite-dominated Parliament in Iraq challenges the implicit Sunni biases
of Arab nationalism as it was formulated in Cairo and Algiers. And it
will force Iraqis to deal straightforwardly with the multicultural
character of their national society, something the pan-Arab Baath Party
either papered over or actively attempted to erase. The road ahead is
extremely dangerous: Overreaching or miscalculation by any of the
involved parties could lead to a crisis, even to civil war. And
America's role in the new Iraq is uncertain.

  Despite the loftiness of the political rhetoric and the courage and
idealism of ordinary voters, the process was so marred by irregularities
as sometimes to border on the absurd. The party lists were announced,
but the actual candidates running on these lists had to remain anonymous
because of security concerns. Known candidates received death threats
and some assassination attempts were reported. So the voters selected
lists by vague criteria such as their top leaders, who were known to the
public, or general political orientation.

  Late in the election season, several politicians discovered that they
had been listed without their permission and angrily demanded that the
lists withdraw their names. So not only were the candidates mostly
anonymous, but some persons were running without knowing it. These
irregularities made the process less like an election (where there is
lively campaigning by known candidates and issues can be debated in
public) and more like a referendum among shadowy party lists.

  Nevertheless, enough was known about the major party and coalition lists
to allow most Iraqis to make a decision. The United Iraqi Alliance was
one of six major coalitions, grouping the most important of the Shiite
religious parties. Shiites, although they constitute a majority of
Iraqis, had never before had the prospect of real political power.
Formed under the auspices of the Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who
appointed a six-man negotiating committee in an attempt to unite the
Shiite vote, the UIA used the ayatollah's image relentlessly in its
campaign advertising. Religious Shiites got the word to vote for "No.
169," the number given the UIA on the ballot, and were carefully
informed that it was represented by the symbol for a candle. Its
constituent parties, such as the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution
in Iraq (SCIRI) and the Dawa Party, had in the past struggled to create
an Islamic republic under Saddam's harsh repression. Most of them were
more used to the technique of the clandestine cell and the paramilitary
strike than to the hurly-burly of public campaigning.

  Interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, an old asset of the American Central
Intelligence Agency, led a list of ex-Baathists and secularists, both
Shiite and Sunni. For those Iraqis who yearned for a strongman and
valued law and order, Allawi's list had a certain appeal. In the north,
the Kurdish parties formed a coalition that would attract virtually all
of the Kurdish votes (they form about 15 percent of the Iraqi
population). The Sunni Arab interim president, Ghazi al-Yawir, also
formed a list, the "Iraqis," which had a decidedly secular cast.

  The turnout for the elections was higher than had been predicted by the
Iraqi Electoral Commission, which had suggested that about half of the
eligible voters, or 6 to 7 million, would come out. By the Monday after
the Jan. 30 elections, the commission was estimating that about 8
million, or 57 percent of the eligible voters, had cast ballots. This
estimate was not founded on any exact statistics, which had to await the
counting of the ballots, but appears to have been little more than a
guess. The commission's earliest guess was 72 percent, a clear error. In
any case, it seems clear that Kurds and Shiites came out in great
numbers, and both will do well in Parliament.

  As expected, voting was extremely light in the Sunni Arab areas. In
Babil province, the trouble spots of Latifiyah and Mahmudiyah avoided
violence, but few voters ventured out. The Arabs of Kirkuk, angry about
a ruling allowing Kurds who used to reside in the city to vote in local
elections, for the most part boycotted the process. In Mosul, the Arab
quarters in the west saw firefights, though Kurds and Turkmens came out
to vote in the eastern parts of the city. The four polling stations in
Baghdad's Sunni Adhamiyah district did not even bother to open. Polling
stations in Fallujah, Ramadi, Tikrit and Beiji were reported to be
largely empty all day. In the sizable city of Ramadi, only 300 ballots
were cast.

  The Sunni Arabs of Samarra, a city of some 200,000, cast only 1,400
ballots. The U.S. military had conducted operations in Samarra in
October as a prelude for its November campaign against Fallujah,
insisting that these military actions would prepare the way for
successful elections in these cities. Most of Fallujah was in refugee
camps by the time of the elections, and a sullen and angry Sunni Arab
population largely rejected the polls as illegitimate because they were
conducted under foreign military occupation. The threats brandished by
the remnants of the Baath military, which is waging a guerrilla war
against the United States and the new order, also took their toll.

  The guerrilla war being waged by some Sunni Arabs will not end with the
elections. Their leadership is committed to destabilizing the country,
pushing the Americans back out, and mounting yet another coup. The
resistance consists largely of ex-Baath military along with some
religious radicals (very few of whom are foreigners). They have enough
munitions, money and know-how to fight for years, though in the end they
will lose. The Sunni Arab populace continues largely to support the
guerrillas. Over half in a recent poll said that attacks on the U.S.
military in Iraq are legitimate.

  One disturbing trend in this election was the reinforcement of ethnic
political identity. Iraq is a diverse society, but has most often sought
forms of politics that deemphasize ethnicity. The price of such an
approach, however, has often been authoritarian rule, as under the
pan-Arab Baath Party that ruled from 1968 to 2003. In the north of Iraq,
Kurds predominate. They do not speak Arabic as their mother tongue but
rather an Indo-European language related to Persian (and distantly to
English). Their Islam is mystical, traditional and somewhat rural, and
most of them are not very interested in the minutiae of religious law.
In recent years they have urbanized, as at Kirkuk and Sulaymaniyah, but
have developed a relatively liberal approach to Islam and politics.
Kurds had long had separatist tendencies and faced severe repression
from Baghdad. Under the American no-fly zone of the 1990s, they
developed a Kurdistan Regional Assembly, virtually a semiautonomous
government, and now fear being reintegrated into Arab Iraq as
second-class citizens.

  The center-north of Iraq is dominated by Sunni Arabs. Arabs are simply
populations that speak Arabic as their native language; they are not a
racial category. Sunnis constitute some 90 percent of the Muslims in the
world, but are a minority of 20 percent in Iraq. They honor four early
"rightly guided" caliphs, or vicars, of the prophet Mohammed and lack a
strict clerical hierarchy. Sunni reformists often resemble Protestants
in rejecting saint-worship and mediation between God and human beings.

  East Baghdad and the south are Shiite Arab territory. Shiites honor the
prophet's son-in-law and cousin, Ali, as the rightful successor of
Mohammed, and invest the descendants of the prophet with special honor.
The Iraqi Shiites do have a clerical hierarchy, at the pinnacle of which
is the Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the chief source of religious
authority.

  In Iraq, the Sunni Arabs have traditionally predominated, and they have
held political power until Jan. 30. During the past three centuries, a
conversion movement among tribes in the south has produced a Shiite
majority in Iraq. But the Shiites were most often poor, rural and
relatively powerless. In the past half-century, many have moved to the
cities, gained modern educations, and thrown up religious parties that
aim to establish an Islamic republic with a Shiite cast. These parties
joined together to form the United Iraqi Alliance.

  The UIA appears to have done extremely well in many Iraqi provinces and
may well dominate the new Parliament. Because the Sunni Arabs did not
come out in force to vote, the Shiite religious vote was magnified. That
is, the electoral system is such that parties are seated in Parliament
in accordance with their proportion of the national vote. If a party
gets 10 percent, it will get about 27 seats. Because of the proportional
nature of the election, if one group boycotts, the other groups do even
better. The Shiite leadership will try to reach out to the Sunni Arab
politicians, including them in the new government and in the
constitution-drafting process. But since the Sunnis will have relatively
few seats in Parliament, they may be even more sullen than before.
Moreover, the politics of the UIA may not be to their liking.

  If the United Iraqi Alliance can form a government, probably in
coalition with smaller parties, it will almost certainly move in two
controversial directions. First, it will seek to implement religious law
in the place of civil law for matters of personal status, and possibly
in other realms, such as commerce. Islamic law has provisions for
matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, alimony and so forth.
Muslim fundamentalists throughout the world have adopted as one of their
main political goals the repeal of civil laws that were most often
adopted during or just after the age of European colonialism (roughly
from the mid-1700s until the 1960s), and to replace them with a rigid
and often medieval interpretation of Islamic law.

  This form of Islamic law (which in other hands can be dynamic and
innovative) would typically deny divorced women any inheritance, give
girls half the inheritance received by their brothers, restrict women's
right to initiate divorce, restrict women's appearance in public, and
make the testimony of women in court worth half that of a man.
Middle-class Sunni Arabs and educated women, along with most Kurds,
would likely strongly resist this initiative. The Supreme Council for
Islamic Revolution in Iraq, among the main Shiite parties, and Grand
Ayatollah Sistani have already telegraphed their desire for this change.

  The other big political fight likely to ensue in the new,
Shiite-dominated Parliament is over a centralized government versus a
loose federation. The Kurds want what they call a "Canada" model, or
perhaps one modeled on the Swiss cantons, in which the central
government cedes many rights to the provinces. In American terms, the
Kurds want "states' rights." Their maximal demands are the creation of a
Kurdish super-province, Kurdistan, on an ethnic basis; the joining to
Kurdistan of the oil-rich Kirkuk area; no federal troops on Kurdistan
soil; and the retention of petroleum profits inside the Kurdistan
province.

  In contrast, the Shiite political traditions in Iraq have all favored a
strong central government, and Baghdad and Najaf are unlikely to want to
give away so much to "Kurdistan." Since the Kurds will be well
represented in Parliament, have a big, well-trained paramilitary, and
have a veto over any new constitution, this particular struggle is one
they will not concede without a fight.

  Although the vast majority of Iraqis want U.S. troops out of their
country immediately or soon after Parliament is seated, according to a
recent Zogby poll, it seems unlikely that the new political class will
call for a precipitate U.S. withdrawal. They are still afraid of being
assassinated by the guerrillas. Over time a split may develop between
the rank and file, impatient for an American departure, and politicians
who still depend on U.S. forces for their own protection. When Iraqi
leaders feel strong enough to deal with the guerrillas by themselves,
they will have a strong impetus to ask the United States to leave
altogether. All Iraqis remember Abu Ghraib and other missteps of the
U.S. military in their country.

  The new Iraq is forming, but its formation will involve struggle as well
as compromise, strong stands as well as bargaining. How successful
post-Saddam Iraq is depends very much on whether all groups are mature
enough to make the necessary compromises and strike a balance between
the religious and secular, and between the center and the provinces.


  Juan Cole is a professor of modern Middle Eastern and South Asian
history at the University of Michigan and the author of "Sacred Space
and Holy War" (IB Tauris, 2002).

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