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In a January CNN / USA Today / Gallup poll, in answer to the question
whether President Bush is a "uniter" or a "divider," exactly 49 percent of
Americans said he was a uniter, and exactly 49 percent said he was a
divider.

-----------------------------------

http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/0315-05.htm
White House to Agencies: Ignore GAO's Ruling On 'illegal' TV News Releases


http://www.freepress.net/
The Bush administration is using hundreds of millions of your tax dollars
to manipulate public opinion. Here's how to stop them:

1. Sign our petition and help us get 250,000 people to join our call to
Congress, the Federal Communications Commission and local television
stations.  Tell Congress and the FCC to toughen and enforce laws against
"covert propaganda" and demand that broadcasters come clean with viewers
about using government-produced news.  See
http://www.freepress.net/action/fakenews

2. Join others in your community to create "citizen agreements" with your
local TV stations to stop fake news broadcasts. These agreements are
official documents filed at the FCC that -- if broken -- can be used to
deny license renewals. Free Press will connect you with others in your
area working to ensure local broadcasters identify the sources behind the
"news."

---------------------------

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/13/politics/13covert.html?

New York Times
March 13, 2005

Under Bush, a New Age of Prepackaged TV News
By DAVID BARSTOW and ROBIN STEIN

It is the kind of TV news coverage every president covets.

"Thank you, Bush. Thank you, U.S.A.," a jubilant Iraqi-American told a
camera crew in Kansas City for a segment about reaction to the fall of
Baghdad. A second report told of "another success" in the Bush
administration's "drive to strengthen aviation security"; the reporter
called it "one of the most remarkable campaigns in aviation history." A
third segment, broadcast in January, described the administration's
determination to open markets for American farmers.

To a viewer, each report looked like any other 90-second segment on the
local news. In fact, the federal government produced all three. The report
from Kansas City was made by the State Department. The "reporter" covering
airport safety was actually a public relations professional working under
a false name for the Transportation Security Administration. The farming
segment was done by the Agriculture Department's office of communications.

Under the Bush administration, the federal government has aggressively
used a well-established tool of public relations: the prepackaged,
ready-to-serve news report that major corporations have long distributed
to TV stations to pitch everything from headache remedies to auto
insurance. In all, at least 20 federal agencies, including the Defense
Department and the Census Bureau, have made and distributed hundreds of
television news segments in the past four years, records and interviews
show. Many were subsequently broadcast on local stations across the
country without any acknowledgement of the government's role in their
production.

This winter, Washington has been roiled by revelations that a handful of
columnists wrote in support of administration policies without disclosing
they had accepted payments from the government. But the administration's
efforts to generate positive news coverage have been considerably more
pervasive than previously known. At the same time, records and interviews
suggest widespread complicity or negligence by television stations, given
industry ethics standards that discourage the broadcast of prepackaged
news segments from any outside group without revealing the source.

Federal agencies are forthright with broadcasters about the origin of the
news segments they distribute. The reports themselves, though, are
designed to fit seamlessly into the typical local news broadcast. In most
cases, the "reporters" are careful not to state in the segment that they
work for the government. Their reports generally avoid overt ideological
appeals. Instead, the government's news-making apparatus has produced a
quiet drumbeat of broadcasts describing a vigilant and compassionate
administration.

Some reports were produced to support the administration's most cherished
policy objectives, like regime change in Iraq or Medicare reform. Others
focused on less prominent matters, like the administration's efforts to
offer free after-school tutoring, its campaign to curb childhood obesity,
its initiatives to preserve forests and wetlands, its plans to fight
computer viruses, even its attempts to fight holiday drunken driving. They
often feature "interviews" with senior administration officials in which
questions are scripted and answers rehearsed. Critics, though, are
excluded, as are any hints of mismanagement, waste or controversy.

Some of the segments were broadcast in some of nation's largest television
markets, including New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Dallas and Atlanta.

An examination of government-produced news reports offers a look inside a
world where the traditional lines between public relations and journalism
have become tangled, where local anchors introduce prepackaged segments
with "suggested" lead-ins written by public relations experts. It is a
world where government-produced reports disappear into a maze of satellite
transmissions, Web portals, syndicated news programs and network feeds,
only to emerge cleansed on the other side as "independent" journalism.

It is also a world where all participants benefit.

Local affiliates are spared the expense of digging up original material.
Public relations firms secure government contracts worth millions of
dollars. The major networks, which help distribute the releases, collect
fees from the government agencies that produce segments and the affiliates
that show them. The administration, meanwhile, gets out an unfiltered
message, delivered in the guise of traditional reporting.

The practice, which also occurred in the Clinton administration, is
continuing despite President Bush's recent call for a clearer demarcation
between journalism and government publicity efforts. "There needs to be a
nice independent relationship between the White House and the press," Mr.
Bush told reporters in January, explaining why his administration would no
longer pay pundits to support his policies.

In interviews, though, press officers for several federal agencies said
the president's prohibition did not apply to government-made television
news segments, also known as video news releases. They described the
segments as factual, politically neutral and useful to viewers. They
insisted that there was no similarity to the case of Armstrong Williams, a
conservative columnist who promoted the administration's chief education
initiative, the No Child Left Behind Act, without disclosing $240,000 in
payments from the Education Department.

What is more, these officials argued, it is the responsibility of
television news directors to inform viewers that a segment about the
government was in fact written by the government. "Talk to the television
stations that ran it without attribution," said William A. Pierce,
spokesman for the Department of Health and Human Services. "This is not
our problem. We can't be held responsible for their actions."

Yet in three separate opinions in the past year, the Government
Accountability Office, an investigative arm of Congress that studies the
federal government and its expenditures, has held that government-made
news segments may constitute improper "covert propaganda" even if their
origin is made clear to the television stations. The point, the office
said, is whether viewers know the origin. Last month, in its most recent
finding, the G.A.O. said federal agencies may not produce prepackaged news
reports "that conceal or do not clearly identify for the television
viewing audience that the agency was the source of those materials."

It is not certain, though, whether the office's pronouncements will have
much practical effect. Although a few federal agencies have stopped making
television news segments, others continue. And on Friday, the Justice
Department and the Office of Management and Budget circulated a memorandum
instructing all executive branch agencies to ignore the G.A.O. findings.
The memorandum said the G.A.O. failed to distinguish between covert
propaganda and "purely informational" news segments made by the
government. Such informational segments are legal, the memorandum said,
whether or not an agency's role in producing them is disclosed to viewers.

Even if agencies do disclose their role, those efforts can easily be
undone in a broadcaster's editing room. Some news organizations, for
example, simply identify the government's "reporter" as one of their own
and then edit out any phrase suggesting the segment was not of their
making.

So in a recent segment produced by the Agriculture Department, the
agency's narrator ended the report by saying "In Princess Anne, Maryland,
I'm Pat O'Leary reporting for the U.S. Department of Agriculture." Yet
AgDay, a syndicated farm news program that is shown on some 160 stations,
simply introduced the segment as being by "AgDay's Pat O'Leary." The final
sentence was then trimmed to "In Princess Anne, Maryland, I'm Pat O'Leary
reporting."

Brian Conrady, executive producer of AgDay, defended the changes. "We can
clip 'Department of Agriculture' at our choosing," he said. "The material
we get from the U.S.D.A., if we choose to air it and how we choose to air
it is our choice."


Spreading the Word: Government Efforts and One Woman's Role

Karen Ryan cringes at the phrase "covert propaganda." These are words for
dictators and spies, and yet they have attached themselves to her like a
pair of handcuffs.

Not long ago, Ms. Ryan was a much sought-after "reporter" for news
segments produced by the federal government. A journalist at ABC and PBS
who became a public relations consultant, Ms. Ryan worked on about a dozen
reports for seven federal agencies in 2003 and early 2004. Her segments
for the Department of Health and Human Services and the Office of National
Drug Control Policy were a subject of the accountability office's recent
inquiries.

The G.A.O. concluded that the two agencies "designed and executed" their
segments "to be indistinguishable from news stories produced by private
sector television news organizations." A significant part of that
execution, the office found, was Ms. Ryan's expert narration, including
her typical sign-off - "In Washington, I'm Karen Ryan reporting" -
delivered in a tone and cadence familiar to television reporters
everywhere.

Last March, when The New York Times first described her role in a segment
about new prescription drug benefits for Medicare patients, reaction was
harsh. In Cleveland, The Plain Dealer ran an editorial under the headline
"Karen Ryan, You're a Phony," and she was the object of late-night jokes
by Jon Stewart and received hate mail.

"I'm like the Marlboro man," she said in a recent interview.

In fact, Ms. Ryan was a bit player who made less than $5,000 for her work
on government reports. She was also playing an accepted role in a
lucrative art form, the video news release. "I just don't feel I did
anything wrong," she said. "I just did what everyone else in the industry
was doing."

It is a sizable industry. One of its largest players, Medialink Worldwide
Inc., has about 200 employees, with offices in New York and London. It
produces and distributes about 1,000 video news releases a year, most
commissioned by major corporations. The Public Relations Society of
America even gives an award, the Bronze Anvil, for the year's best video
news release.

Several major television networks play crucial intermediary roles in the
business. Fox, for example, has an arrangement with Medialink to
distribute video news releases to 130 affiliates through its video feed
service, Fox News Edge. CNN distributes releases to 750 stations in the
United States and Canada through a similar feed service, CNN Newsource.
Associated Press Television News does the same thing worldwide with its
Global Video Wire.

"We look at them and determine whether we want them to be on the feed,"
David M. Winstrom, director of Fox News Edge, said of video news releases.
"If I got one that said tobacco cures cancer or something like that, I
would kill it."

In essence, video news releases seek to exploit a growing vulnerability of
television news: Even as news staffs at the major networks are shrinking,
many local stations are expanding their hours of news coverage without
adding reporters.

"No TV news organization has the resources in labor, time or funds to
cover every worthy story," one video news release company, TVA
Productions, said in a sales pitch to potential clients, adding that "90
percent of TV newsrooms now rely on video news releases."

Federal agencies have been commissioning video news releases since at
least the first Clinton administration. An increasing number of state
agencies are producing television news reports, too; the Texas Parks and
Wildlife Department alone has produced some 500 video news releases since
1993.

Under the Bush administration, federal agencies appear to be producing
more releases, and on a broader array of topics.

A definitive accounting is nearly impossible. There is no comprehensive
archive of local television news reports, as there is in print journalism,
so there is no easy way to determine what has been broadcast, and when and
where.

Still, several large agencies, including the Defense Department, the State
Department and the Department of Health and Human Services, acknowledge
expanded efforts to produce news segments. Many members of Mr. Bush's
first-term cabinet appeared in such segments.

A recent study by Congressional Democrats offers another rough indicator:
the Bush administration spent $254 million in its first term on public
relations contracts, nearly double what the last Clinton administration
spent.

Karen Ryan was part of this push - a "paid shill for the Bush
administration," as she self-mockingly puts it. It is, she acknowledges,
an uncomfortable title.

Ms. Ryan, 48, describes herself as not especially political, and certainly
no Bush die-hard. She had hoped for a long career in journalism. But over
time, she said, she grew dismayed by what she saw as the decline of
television news - too many cut corners, too many ratings stunts.

In the end, she said, the jump to video news releases from journalism was
not as far as one might expect. "It's almost the same thing," she said.

There are differences, though. When she went to interview Tommy G.
Thompson, then the health and human services secretary, about the new
Medicare drug benefit, it was not the usual reporter-source exchange.
First, she said, he already knew the questions, and she was there mostly
to help him give better, snappier answers. And second, she said, everyone
involved is aware of a segment's potential political benefits.

Her Medicare report, for example, was distributed in January 2004, not
long before Mr. Bush hit the campaign trail and cited the drug benefit as
one of his major accomplishments.

The script suggested that local anchors lead into the report with this
line: "In December, President Bush signed into law the first-ever
prescription drug benefit for people with Medicare." In the segment, Mr.
Bush is shown signing the legislation as Ms. Ryan describes the new
benefits and reports that "all people with Medicare will be able to get
coverage that will lower their prescription drug spending."

The segment made no mention of the many critics who decry the law as an
expensive gift to the pharmaceutical industry. The G.A.O. found that the
segment was "not strictly factual," that it contained "notable omissions"
and that it amounted to "a favorable report" about a controversial
program.

And yet this news segment, like several others narrated by Ms. Ryan,
reached an audience of millions. According to the accountability office,
at least 40 stations ran some part of the Medicare report. Video news
releases distributed by the Office of National Drug Control Policy,
including one narrated by Ms. Ryan, were shown on 300 stations and reached
22 million households. According to Video Monitoring Services of America,
a company that tracks news programs in major cities, Ms. Ryan's segments
on behalf of the government were broadcast a total of at least 64 times in
the 40 largest television markets.

Even these measures, though, do not fully capture the reach of her work.
Consider the case of News 10 Now, a cable station in Syracuse owned by
Time Warner. In February 2004, days after the government distributed its
Medicare segment, News 10 Now broadcast a virtually identical report,
including the suggested anchor lead-in. The News 10 Now segment, however,
was not narrated by Ms. Ryan. Instead, the station edited out the original
narration and had one of its reporters repeat the script almost word for
word.

The station's news director, Sean McNamara, wrote in an e-mail message,
"Our policy on provided video is to clearly identify the source of that
video." In the case of the Medicare report, he said, the station believed
it was produced and distributed by a major network and did not know that
it had originally come from the government.

Ms. Ryan said she was surprised by the number of stations willing to run
her government segments without any editing or acknowledgement of origin.
As proud as she says she is of her work, she did not hesitate, even for a
second, when asked if she would have broadcast one of her government
reports if she were a local news director.

"Absolutely not."


continued...

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