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New York Times
May 22, 2005

Army Faltered in Investigating Detainee Abuse
By TIM GOLDEN

Despite autopsy findings of homicide and statements by soldiers that two
prisoners died after being struck by guards at an American military
detention center in Bagram, Afghanistan, Army investigators initially
recommended closing the case without bringing any criminal charges,
documents and interviews show.

Within days after the two deaths in December 2002, military coroners
determined that both had been caused by "blunt force trauma" to the legs.
Soon after, soldiers and others at Bagram told the investigators that
military guards had repeatedly struck both men in the thighs while they
were shackled and that one had also been mistreated by military
interrogators.

Nonetheless, agents of the Army's Criminal Investigation Command reported
to their superiors that they could not clearly determine who was
responsible for the detainees' injuries, military officials said. Military
lawyers at Bagram took the same position, according to confidential
documents from the investigation obtained by The New York Times.

"I could never see any criminal intent on the part of the M.P.'s to cause
the detainee to die," one of the lawyers, Maj. Jeff A. Bovarnick, later
told investigators, referring to one of the deaths. "We believed the
M.P.'s story, that this was the most combative detainee ever."

The investigators' move to close the case was among a series of apparent
missteps in an Army inquiry that ultimately took almost two years to
complete and has so far resulted in criminal charges against seven
soldiers. Early on, the documents show, crucial witnesses were not
interviewed, documents disappeared, and at least a few pieces of evidence
were mishandled.

While senior military intelligence officers at Bagram quickly heard
reports of abuse by several interrogators, documents show they also failed
to file reports that are mandatory when any intelligence personnel are
suspected of misconduct, including mistreatment of detainees. Those
reports would have alerted military intelligence officials in the United
States to a problem in the unit, military officials said.

Those interrogators and others from Bagram were later sent to Iraq and
were assigned to Abu Ghraib prison. A high-level military inquiry last
year found that the captain who led interrogation operations at Bagram,
Capt. Carolyn A. Wood, applied many of the same harsh methods in Iraq that
she had overseen in Afghanistan.

Citing "investigative shortfalls," senior Army investigators took the
Bagram inquiry away from agents in Afghanistan in August 2003, assigning
it to a task force based at the agency's headquarters in Virginia. In
October 2004, the task force found probable cause to charge 27 of the
military police guards and military intelligence interrogators with crimes
ranging from involuntary manslaughter to lying to investigators. Those 27
included the 7 who have actually been charged.

"I would acknowledge that a lot of these investigations appear to have
taken excessively long," the Defense Department's chief spokesman, Larry
Di Rita, said in an interview on Friday. "There's no other way to describe
an investigation that takes two years. People are being held accountable,
but it's taking too long."

Mr. Di Rita said the Pentagon was examining ways to speed up such
investigations, "because justice delayed is justice denied."

A spokesman for the Criminal Investigation Command, Christopher Grey,
would not discuss details of the case, but played down the significance of
the agents' early proposal to close it. He said that the investigation had
been guided by a desire for thoroughness rather than speed, and that it
eventually included more than 250 interviews around the world.

"Case agents make recommendations all the time," Mr. Grey said. "But the
review process looks at investigations constantly and points to other
things that need to be completed or other investigative approaches."

While the proposal to close the case was ultimately rejected by senior
officials, documents show that the inquiry was at a virtual standstill
when an article in The New York Times on March 4, 2003, reported that at
least one of the prisoner's deaths had been ruled a homicide,
contradicting the military's earlier assertions that both had died of
natural causes. Activity in the case quickly resumed.

The details of the investigation emerged from a file of almost 2,000 pages
of confidential Army documents about the death on Dec. 10, 2002, of
Dilawar, a 22-year-old taxi driver. The file was obtained from a person
involved in the inquiry who was critical of the abuses at Bagram and the
military's response to the deaths.

The file presents the fates of Mr. Dilawar and another detainee who died
six days earlier, Mullah Habibullah, against a backdrop of frequent harsh
treatment by guards and interrogators who were in many cases poorly
trained, loosely supervised and only vaguely aware of or attentive to
regulations limiting their use of force against prisoners they considered
to be terrorists.

According to interviews with military intelligence officials who served at
Bagram, only a small fraction of the detainees there were considered
important or suspicious enough to be transferred to the American military
prison at Guant�namo Bay, Cuba, for further interrogation. Two
intelligence officers estimated that about 85 percent of the prisoners
were ultimately released.

Still, most new detainees at Bagram were hooded, shackled and isolated for
at least 24 hours and sometimes as long as 72 hours, the commander of the
military police guards at Bagram, Capt. Christopher M. Beiring, told
investigators. Prisoners caught in infractions like talking to one another
were handcuffed to cell doors or ceilings, often for half an hour or an
hour, but sometimes for far longer. Interrogators trying to break the
detainees' resistance sometimes ordered that they be forced to sweep the
same floor space over and over or scrub it with a toothbrush.

The responsibility of senior officers at Bagram for carrying out such
methods is not clear in the Army's criminal report.

In several instances, the documents show Captain Wood and her deputy,
Staff Sgt. Steven W. Loring, sought clarification about what techniques
they could use. "Numerous requests for strict guidance on P.U.C. treatment
have been voiced to the Staff Judge Advocate," Sergeant Loring said,
referring to the detainees by the initials for Persons Under Control, "but
no training has been offered."

Major Bovarnick, the former legal adviser to the detention center, told
investigators that the shackling of detainees with their arms overhead was
standard operating procedure when he arrived at Bagram in mid-November
2002. On Nov. 26, after complaints from the International Committee of the
Red Cross, he convened a group of military and C.I.A. officials at Bagram
to discuss methods of interrogation and punishment, including shackling to
fixed objects.

"My personal question then was, 'Is it inhumane to handcuff somebody to
something?' " he said. Referring to his consultations with the two senior
lawyers at Bagram, he added, "It was our opinion that it was not
inhumane."

After the deaths, officers who served at Bagram said, there was a similar
debate over whether criminal charges were warranted.

Military lawyers noted that the autopsies of the two dead detainees had
found severe trauma to both prisoners' legs - injuries that a coroner
later compared to the effect of being run over by a bus. They also
acknowledged statements by more than half a dozen guards that they or
others had struck the detainees. But the lawyers and other officers did
not press for a fuller accounting, two officers said in interviews.

Instead, statements showed, they pointed to indications that both
detainees had some existing medical problems when they arrived at Bagram,
and emphasized that it would be difficult to determine the responsibility
of individual guards for the injuries they sustained in custody.

"No one blow could be determined to have caused the death," the former
senior staff lawyer at Bagram, Col. David L. Hayden, said he had been told
by the Army's lead investigator. "It was reasonable to conclude at the
time that repetitive administration of legitimate force resulted in all
the injuries we saw." Both Major Bovarnick and Colonel Hayden declined
requests for comment.

As late as Feb. 7 - nearly two months after the first autopsy reports had
classified both deaths as homicides - the American commander of coalition
forces in Afghanistan, Lt. Gen. Daniel K. McNeill, said in an interview
that he had "no indication" that either man had been injured in custody.

General McNeill, who has since been promoted, declined repeated requests
to clarify his remarks.

In retrospect, the investigators' initial interviews with guards,
interrogators and interpreters at the detention center appear cursory and
sometimes contradictory. As transcribed, many of the statements are little
more than a page or two long.

Most of the guards who admitted punching the detainees or kneeing them in
the thighs said they did so in order to subdue prisoners who were
extraordinarily combative. But both detainees were shackled at the hands
and feet throughout their time at Bagram. One of them, Mr. Dilawar,
weighed only 122 pounds and was described by interpreters as neither
violent nor aggressive. Both detainees also complained of being beaten and
seemed to have trouble walking, some witnesses said.

The early interviews also included statements by two of the interpreters
that they had been so troubled by the abusive behavior of some
interrogators that they had gone to the noncommissioned officer in charge
of the military intelligence group, Staff Sergeant Loring, to complain.
One of the interrogators, Specialist Damien M. Corsetti, refused to speak
to the agents at all, and another told of the guards' beating one of the
detainees who died.

Even so, investigators failed to interview some crucial witnesses,
including the officer in charge of the interrogators, Captain Wood, and
the commander of the military police company, Captain Beiring. They also
neglected an interrogator who had been present for most of Mr. Dilawar's
questioning. When he finally went to investigators at his own initiative,
he described one of the worst episodes of abuse.

Many of the guards who later provided important testimony were also
initially overlooked. Computer records and written logs that were supposed
to record treatment of the detainees were not secured and later
disappeared. Blood taken from Mr. Habibullah was stored in a butter dish
in the agents' office refrigerator, from which it was only recovered - or
"seized" as a report explains it - when the office was later moved.

The record of the investigation indicated that Army investigators almost
entirely stopped interviewing witnesses within three weeks after Mr.
Dilawar's death. And although Major Bovarnick, the detention center's
legal adviser, said he told Captain Beiring after the first death "that
there would be no shackling to the ceiling ever again," the issue was
largely ignored in the initial investigation.

While the Army's criminal inquiry continued, General McNeill ordered a
senior officer, Col. Joseph G. Nesbitt, to conduct a separate, classified
examination of procedures at the detention center. That led to changes
including prohibitions against the shackling of prisoners for sleep
deprivation and interrogators' making physical contact with detainees.

Documents from the criminal investigation suggested that Colonel Nesbitt
was also dismissive of the notion that the two deaths pointed to wider
wrongdoing. He concluded that military police guards at the detention
center "knew, were following and strictly applying" proper rules on the
use of force, documents showed, and he cited a "conflict between obtaining
accurate, timely information and treating detainees humanely."

Senior officials at the Criminal Investigation Command's headquarters took
a different view. On April 15, 2003, they rejected the field agents'
proposal to close the case, sending it back "for numerous investigative,
operational, administrative and security classification-related issues,
which required additional work, pursuit, clarification or scrutiny." Four
months later, the headquarters officials reassigned the case to the task
force that eventually implicated the 27 soldiers.

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