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U.S. Weapons At War 2005: Promoting Freedom Or Fueling Conflict?
U.S. Military Aid and Arms Transfers Since September 11

NEW YORK -- May 25 -- A report released today by the New York-based World
Policy Institute finds that a majority of U.S. arms sales to the
developing world go to regimes defined as undemocratic by our own State
Department. Furthermore, U.S.-supplied arms are involved in a majority of
the world's active conflicts.

"Billions of U.S. arms sales to Afghanistan in the 1980s ended up
empowering Islamic fundamentalist fighters across the globe," notes report
co-author William D. Hartung. "Our current policy of arming unstable
regimes could have similarly disastrous consequences, with U.S.-supplied
weapons falling into the hands of terrorists, insurgents, or hostile
governments."

"Perhaps no single policy is more at odds with President Bush's pledge to
'end tyranny in our world' than the United States' role as the world's
leading arms exporting nation," said Frida Berrigan, the report's
co-author. "Although arms sales are often justified on the basis of their
purported benefits, from securing access to overseas military facilities
to rewarding coalition partners, these alleged benefits often come at a
high price."

As in the case of recent decisions to provide new F-16 fighter planes to
Pakistan while pledging comparable high tech military hardware to its
rival India, U.S. arms sometimes go to both sides in long brewing
conflicts. And the tens of millions of U.S. arms transfers to Uzbekistan
exemplify the negative consequences of arming repressive regimes.

Among the key findings of this report are the following:

In 2003, the last year for which full information is available, the United
States transferred weaponry to 18 of the 25 countries involved in active
conflicts. From Angola, Chad and Ethiopia, to Colombia, Pakistan, Israel
and the Philippines, transfers through the two largest U.S. arms sales
programs (Foreign Military Sales and Commercial Sales) to these conflict
nations totaled nearly $1 billion in 2003.

In 2003, more than half of the top 25 recipients of U.S. arms transfers in
the developing world (13 of 25) were defined as undemocratic by the U.S.
State Department's Human Rights Report: in the sense that "citizens do not
have the right to change their own government." These 13 nations received
over $2.7 billion in U.S. arms transfers in 2003, with the top recipients
including Saudi Arabia ($1.1 billion), Egypt ($1.0 billion), Kuwait ($153
million), the United Arab Emirates ($110 million) and Uzbekistan ($33
million).

When countries designated by the State Department's Human Rights Report to
have poor human rights records or serious patterns of abuse are factored
in, 20 of the top 25 U.S. arms clients in the developing world in 2003 --
a full 80% -- were either undemocratic regimes or governments with records
of major human rights abuses.

The largest U.S. military aid program, Foreign Military Financing (FMF),
increased by 68% from 2001 to 2003, from $3.5
billion to nearly $6 billion. The biggest increases went to countries that
were engaged as U.S. allies in the wars in Iraq or
Afghanistan, including Jordan ($525 million increase from 2001 to 2003),
Afghanistan ($191 million increase), Pakistan ($224 million increase), and
Bahrain ($90 million increase). The Philippines, where the United States
stepped up joint operations against a local terrorist group with alleged
links to al-Qaeda, also received a substantial increase from 2001 to 2003
($47 million).

Military aid totals have leveled off slightly since their FY 2003 peak,
coming in at a requested $4.5 billion for 2006. The number of countries
receiving FMF assistance increased by 50% from FY 2001 to FY 2006-from 48
to 71.

"Arming repressive regimes while simultaneously proclaiming a campaign
against tyranny undermines the credibility of the United States and makes
it harder to hold other nations to high standards of conduct on human
rights and other key issues," argues Frida Berrigan.

Arming undemocratic governments often helps to enhance their power,
fueling conflict or enabling human rights abuses. These blows to the
reputation of the United States are in turn impediments to winning the
"war of ideas" in the Muslim world and beyond,
undermining efforts to dry up financial and political support for
terrorist organizations like al-Qaeda.

"The time has come to impose greater scrutiny on U.S. arms transfers and
military aid programs," says William Hartung. "They are not simply another
tool in the foreign policy toolbox, to be used to win friends and
intimidate adversaries as needed."

A good starting point towards a more sound arms sales policy would be to
implement the underlying assumptions of U.S. arms export law, which call
for arming nations only for purposes of self-defense and avoiding arms
sales to nations that engage in patterns of systematic human rights
abuses. This shift could come either via new legislation or Executive
Branch policy initiatives.

Equally important, the automatic assumption that arms transfers are the
preferred "barter" for access to military facilities or other security
"goods" sought from other nations should be seriously re-considered.
Economic aid, political support and other forms of engagement should be
explored as alternatives whenever possible.


Please find the complete report online at
http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/reports/wawjune2005.html

(If you would like a hard copy of the report, please send an email to
[EMAIL PROTECTED] with your address. You will be invoiced for $5.00
per copy)


The Arms Trade Resource Center was established in 1993 to engage in public
education and policy advocacy aimed at promoting restraint in the
international arms trade.

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