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http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms

NORTH KOREA NUCLEAR AGREEMENT: Sign of Hope

When even the Bush administration gets down to real diplomacy, it's a sign
of hope.  The announcement in mid-February of a deal in which North Korea
will take the first steps towards dismantling its nuclear program in
exchange for large supplies of fuel oil and eventual political recognition
sounds like a "man bites dog" story. What moved the Bush administration to
talk rather than fight?

Various theories have been proposed. One is that Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice convinced President Bush that this could be a major
foreign policy achievement. In contrast to the war in Iraq and the
administration's feeble efforts to promote peace between Israel and the
Palestinians, there is no question that the North Korea deal shines
brightly as a real accomplishment -- if it sticks.

Other, more realist factors may have come into play as well. U.S. military
planners have long noted that military force is not a viable option in the
North Korean case. Absent far better intelligence than currently exists,
air strikes to destroy all of Pyongyang's nuclear facilities would almost
surely fail. Nor could they address North Korea's existing stocks of bomb
making materials, which are believed to be enough to build as many as
eight to ten nuclear weapons.

A war to force "regime change" in North Korea could be won by the U.S.,
but it would come at far too high a price - the South Korean capital of
Seoul is close to the North Korean border, and Pyongyang's non-nuclear
arsenal could kill several hundred thousand South Koreans in such a
conflict.

Furthermore, the other parties to the talks - China, Japan, South Korea
and Russia - were all supportive of a diplomatic solution, and helped keep
the talks alive during periods of U.S. opposition to or disinterest in
moving forward. The fact that South Korea, the country arguably most at
risk from a North Korean bomb, was a firm supporter of a practical
diplomatic solution made it harder for the administration to avoid
negotiating.

And it can't be overlooked that Christopher Hill, the U.S. representative
to the talks, did a good job once he was free to negotiate, which meant in
part being allowed to work around hardliners like Vice President Dick
Cheney and the neocons sprinkled throughout the administration's foreign
policy and national security bureaucracies.

The first phase of the agreement calls for North Korea to take concrete
steps within 60 days, including closing down its nuclear reactor at
Yongbyon, getting inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency
on the ground, and beginning to reveal the locations of its other nuclear
facilities. In exchange it will receive 50,000 tons of fuel oil at the end
of the 60-day period.

Conservatives inside and outside of the Bush administration have already
been vigorously attacking the deal, not only in its own right but because
they fear, in the words of Washington Post reporter Glenn Kessler, that
"the administration's willingness to bend on North Korea does not bode
well for hard-line policies toward Iran, Palestinians or other issues."
Let's hope they're right.

USEFUL RESOURCES ON NORTH KOREA:

"U.S. Envoy Christopher Hill Discusses North Korea Nuke Deal," Lehrer
Newshour, February 15, 2007, transcript:
www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/asia/jan-june07/hill_02-15.html

Joseph Cirincione, "North Korean Pressure Points: New Nuclear Accord
Reflects New Realities," February 13, 2007, available at:
www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/north_korea.html

George Perkovich, "Imperfect Progress," Wall Street Journal, February 14,
2007, available at
www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=print&id=19025

Leon V. Sigal, "Tug of War with Shorter Rope: Hard-liners Working to Trip
Up Nuclear Talks," Chicago Tribune, February 15, 2007, available at:
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/chi-0702150074feb15,1,789675.story?ctrack=1&cset=true

____________________
The Arms Trade Resource Center was established in 1993 to engage in public
education and policy advocacy aimed at promoting restraint in the
international arms trade.
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