NY Times Op-Ed, Mar. 11 2016
Trade and Tribulation
by Paul Krugman

Why did Bernie Sanders win a narrow victory in Michigan, when polls 
showed Hillary Clinton with a huge lead? Nobody really knows, but 
there’s a lot of speculation that Mr. Sanders may have gained traction 
by hammering on the evils of trade agreements. Meanwhile, Donald Trump, 
while directing most of his fire against immigrants, has also been 
bashing the supposedly unfair trading practices of China and other nations.

So, has the protectionist moment finally arrived? Maybe, maybe not: 
There are other possible explanations for Michigan, and free-traders 
have repeatedly cried wolf about protectionist waves that never 
materialized. Still, this time could be different. And if protectionism 
really is becoming an important political force, how should reasonable 
people — economists and others — respond?

To make sense of the debate over trade, there are three things you need 
to know.

The first is that we have gotten to where we are — a largely free-trade 
world — through a generations-long process of international diplomacy, 
going all the way back to F.D.R. This process combines a series of quid 
pro quos — I’ll open my markets if you open yours — with rules to 
prevent backsliding.

The second is that protectionists almost always exaggerate the adverse 
effects of trade liberalization. Globalization is only one of several 
factors behind rising income inequality, and trade agreements are, in 
turn, only one factor in globalization. Trade deficits have been an 
important cause of the decline in U.S. manufacturing employment since 
2000, but that decline began much earlier. And even our trade deficits 
are mainly a result of factors other than trade policy, like a strong 
dollar buoyed by global capital looking for a safe haven.

And yes, Mr. Sanders is demagoguing the issue, for example with a 
Twitter post linking the decline of Detroit, which began in the 1960s 
and has had very little to do with trade liberalization, to “Hillary 
Clinton’s free-trade policies.”

That said, not all free-trade advocates are paragons of intellectual 
honesty. In fact, the elite case for ever-freer trade, the one that the 
public hears, is largely a scam. That’s true even if you exclude the 
most egregious nonsense, like Mitt Romney’s claim that protectionism 
causes recessions. What you hear, all too often, are claims that trade 
is an engine of job creation, that trade agreements will have big 
payoffs in terms of economic growth and that they are good for everyone.

Yet what the models of international trade used by real experts say is 
that, in general, agreements that lead to more trade neither create nor 
destroy jobs; that they usually make countries more efficient and 
richer, but that the numbers aren’t huge; and that they can easily 
produce losers as well as winners. In principle the overall gains mean 
that the winners could compensate the losers, so that everyone gains. In 
practice, especially given the scorched-earth obstructionism of the 
G.O.P., that’s not going to happen.

Why, then, did we ever pursue these agreements? A large part of the 
answer is foreign policy: Global trade agreements from the 1940s to the 
1980s were used to bind democratic nations together during the Cold War, 
Nafta was used to reward and encourage Mexican reformers, and so on.

And anyone ragging on about those past deals, like Mr. Trump or Mr. 
Sanders, should be asked what, exactly, he proposes doing now. Are they 
saying that we should rip up America’s international agreements? Have 
they thought about what that would do to our credibility and standing in 
the world?

The most a progressive can responsibly call for, I’d argue, is a 
standstill on further deals, or at least a presumption that proposed 
deals are guilty unless proved innocent.

The hard question to deal with here is the Trans-Pacific Partnership, 
which the Obama administration has negotiated but Congress hasn’t yet 
approved. (I consider myself a soft opponent: It’s not the devil’s work, 
but I really wish President Obama hadn’t gone there.) People I respect 
in the administration say that it should be considered an existing deal 
that should stand; I’d argue that there’s a lot less U.S. credibility at 
stake than they claim.

The larger point in this election season is, however, that politicians 
should be honest and realistic about trade, rather than taking cheap 
shots. Striking poses is easy; figuring out what we can and should do is 
a lot harder. But you know, that’s a would-be president’s job.

Read Paul Krugman’s blog, The Conscience of a Liberal, and follow him on 
Twitter.
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