Jim Devin asked:

>how does the "rat choice" method of PoliSci differ from that of
>economics? 
>supposedly, rat choice logic is one of the major theoretical tools that 
>sharpens rather than obscures economic thinking, right?

Yes and No. It depends on what we mean by "economic thinking". If
economics is defined in terms of utility maximizing individual, rational
agency model and free market, i think rational choice theory perfectly
fits into and sharpens this mainstream definition of economics. On the
other hand, since rational choice theory is an "ideology", it obscures
fundamental political-economic realities already built into the
assumptions of economics.

I don't know perfectly the specific application of rational choice theory
in economics dicipline. What i know is that this branch of study has come
to dominate political science since the 1970s under the influence of
economists and political economists such as Buchanan (1975), Anthony Downs
(1957), Mancur Olson (1965), William Riker (1962) Gordon Tullock (1965)
and recently Robert Bates (1981). An alternative to conservative
rational choice theory has evolved through the works of so called leftist
economists among whom John Roamer, Adam Przeworski, Jon Elster and Erik
Wright are of particular interests to comparative political economists.
Their work is an extension of neo-classical ideology in its emphasis on
equilibrium analysis and rational decision making. Political scientists
in the radical tradition complain about this recent trend by pointing out
the "imperialization of social sciences" under a hegemony led by economics
(rational choice, game theory, formal modeling). Of couse, I am talking
about what is happening in the "core" of political science. On the other
hand, the "consolation" of our own diciplines such as polscie, history and
sociology, etc.. is that we are still able to generate alternative radical
visions to mainstream views more so stringently than economics.

As it is applied in one version of political science, rational choice
theory is primarily ideology and assumes that all individuals can be
rational. With the studies of economists like James Buchanan and Gordon
Tullock on decision making in government institutions, an argument was
made that an "analysis of the market should be based on rational
individuals who pursue their own self-interests". Following this has 
emerged methodological individualism in which benefits and costs are
calculated concerning how efficiently government institutions should shape
"individual preferences about public goods". As an alternative to
rational choice economists, rational choice "political scientists" in the
60s and 70s have turned their attention to economics to explain political
bahavior in different socio-economic contexts. However, without
challenging the false assumptions of rational chioce theory, they
instead combined it with historical, sociological and antropological
sciences to be able deal with the utilities of people cross-culturally
"across the social strata  and overtime". This effort can be seen in the
work of Robert Bates (1981) on Africa and Third World political economy
(agrarian question).His work is still, in my view, heavily influenced by 
rational choice theory (despite its critic of conventional economics)
because of its biased treatment of Marxian works on peasentary and class
location in the third world.

The ideological fallacy of rational choice theory and economic theories
alike are manifold.1) they create individualistic theories that can not
move in space and time 2)they are ahistorical because they can not
effectively deal with historical change 3) they are dogmatic because 
refuse to accept conceptions of exploitation and class.

Rational choice economists in the leftist tradition pursue the same
neo-classical bias by trying to reorient (and distort) marxist
epistemology and its assumptions towards subjective social analysis.
In attempting to build Marxist thery in micro foundations, rational choice
marxists (Elster, Roemer), have argued  that actions of class can
be reducable to individual preferences (See Elster's _Making Sense of
Marx_). In contrast to Elster, Wrighta and Przeworski placed more emphasis
on structurally determined individual preferences. With a much better
twist, Roemer employed rational choice to show exploitation occurs as a
consequence of unequally distributed property relations, not as a result
of what happens in the process of production. On the other hand, Wright
has shifted emphasis from class contradictions and labor process towards
more subjective analysis like political power groups and coalition
building theories. While ephasis on power groups has generated some
important insights (as in Bates too), it is also misleading because
the importance of production and exploitation is obscured by attention to
politics (elites abstracted from society).

In sum, it is difficult to draw line between political science rational
choice theory and its version in economics. Rational choice is a natural
outcome of neo-classical ideology, and this particular world view tends to
dominate both diciplines with varying emphasis. Suprisingly too, market
ideology implicitly permeates to the discourses of even alternative
perspectives in economics field. One of the major problem with this view
is that capitalism is defined in an ideological(idealized) manner: free
markets, rational and free individuals, rather than a concrete product
accumulating capital out of surplus. From an historical perspective too,
capitalism has never been the ideology of free market capitalism as we
are told in economics. Instead the history of capitalism is a history of
concrete manifestations of capitalism, and free market is a historical
product of capitalist accumulation built upon power, oppression, war and
blood, not "freedom" (to reiterate Marx and Wallerstein).Rational
choice theory obscures the historicity of capitalism by idealizing it.


Mine

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