Anthony asked me:

>What exactly do you mean by investment goods?  Capital goods, like
>self-reproducing machinery?  Or more "knowledge-intensive" goods, such as
>medical equipment?  I don't have the most recent data but a beakdown of US
>exports by type of goods shows that US exports (a small % of GDP) embody
>more of the high-tech.  Aircraft and software being two examples from the
>Pac NW.  The demand for these products is very high and growing in Asia
>and I think US capital has found a way to beat the insufficient demand.
>No wonder the US economy looks rosy just as we hear of the all bad news
>from the labor front.

As a reply, I am forwarding a post which appeared on both the
marxism-international and marxism-science lists; it was written by Louis
Godena:

Re: Autonomy, dependency & Third World technology:


In 1974, Henry Nau argued that increased global interdependence  made it
possible for the West to employ their superior scientific and technical
expertise to impose "a more subtle and total form of imperialism than was
possible in any previous period of history."  Later, as a senior staff
member for international economic affairs on Reagan's National Security
Council, he helped make this largely academic scheme a reality.  Between
1982 and 1990, for example, the US surplus in R&D-intensive goods rose from
$40 billion to nearly $65 billion; during the same period its deficit in
non-R&D-intensive goods grew from $8 billion to nearly $45 billion.

Fully 50% of the increase was due to sales of R&D-intensive goods to the
Third World - exports that rose from $25 billion to nearly $50 billion over
that same period.  Fees and royalties paid by other industrialized nations
for the use of American know-how increased over 500% (!) from 1974 - 1990.
Overall, the latest report from the American Association for the Advancement
of Science concludes, more than 40% of an average multinational company's
returns on R&D comes from foreign sales (*Science and Exports: the West and
the Third World* Washington, DC, 1996: AAAS Publications)   .

The significance of the transfers of knowledge that take place through such
transactions, however, is much broader than their commercial value.
Included in the broad category of "R&D-intensive goods" is equipment that
can be employed to produce new goods that can subsequently compete in the
same markets as American-made goods.  Such exports of course are of
strategic importance; they embody the capacity to compete, in the modern
world a source of political power.  Those who own such technology are in a
much stronger position than those who do not.  Evidence of this is
underlined by the contrasting degrees of enthusiasm displayed by
multinationals in exporting new products and in exporting new production
processes.

A recent survey of twenty-five major companies bears this out.  In cases
where new technology was developed as a product, in 72% of cases it was
transferred abroad through a foreign subsidiary, 24% by unaffiliated
licensing, and only 4% by direct exports.  In contrast, when the technology
took the form of new production processes, foreign subsidiaries were used in
only 17% of all cases, unaffiliated licensing was never used.  In the
remaining 83% of cases the innovation was transferred through the export of
finished products; the process itself remained protected at home (Travis,
Johns, and Stoudenmire, *Foreign Trade and US Research and Development*
Baltimore, 1997: Johns Hopkins University Press for the National Science
Foundation).




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