I wrote: > How could the market be an "alternative"? an alternative
to what? to socialism? it's clearly not an alternative to
capitalism.<

Justin S. writes >>This is a little glib, Jim. You know perfectly
well that there are serious socialists, a fair number of us, who do
argue that market socialism _is_ an alternative to capitalism, in
fact, the best one.<<

Glibness (glibicity?) has its role, but that's another subject.
Somehow we ended up talking about different alternatives: I was
asking how the _market_ could be an alternative and you answer by
saying that _market socialism_ is an alternative. I see markets as
_part of the problem_, one that has to be abolished.

>>The most extended case for this view is David Schweickart's
Against Capitalism (Westview 1996), which is not lightly to be
brushed aside. The general point is that markets are logically
compatible with socializerd ownership and worker control and require
neither private ownership nor wage labor, the differentia of
capitalism. This might not work for a number of reasons, but the
case can be articulated in too much detail to say that market
socialism is _clearly_ not an alternative. That is just false.  <<

I was NOT rejecting Schweikart's work either lightly or
categorically; in fact, I don't _reject_ it at all. (I bet that most
people on pen-l would see this proposal as highly superior to
Roemer's. They're right.) I think his book is a good _start_ for a
debate about how to create of an alternative to capitalism. (If that
debate is to be useful, it has to include many more people than just
academics, BTW.) But I do not see his (or any) market socialism as
the end-point.

We can't simply deal with the institutions of private ownership and
wage labor. We also have to deal with issues such as those of
alienation and bureaucracy, vested interests and poor popular
control over the state, and the abolition of the work/play
dichotomy. I'm not just opposed to capitalism but to class society
in general. We have to be concerned, for example, about how the
division between mental and physical labor within the workplace can
develop into a new class system.

> What is "alternative" would be some new scheme for controlling
markets in order to avoid the nasty effects of markets that Hahnel
and others emphasize ... An alternative might be a scheme for
forcing markets to behave the way they're advertised in economics
books. Of course, once one starts doing that, the allegedly
apolitical market is no longer apolitical and can no longer live up
to the ideals of the "market socialists."<

>>Well, it depends on what you mean by the ideals of markets
socialist. My ideals are freedom, justice, and democracy, with
efficiency in there too, and I think that a regulated socialized
market would do pretty well on those counts--better than a wholly
planned economy .... Maybe you are thinking of some hypothetical
neoclassical socialist in the manner of Stiglitz's imaginary target
in Whither Socialism, but no one actually ever maintained that
position. <<

Sorry about that. I should have made it clear that I was not
referring to ALL market socialists (as I did at other points in my
missive), but to some of them, such as Roemer, who seems to strive
to be the Stiglitzian straw man.

> In any event, it's a big mistake to make a virtue out of
necessity, to glorify the compromise as an end in itself, as many
market socialists seem to do. It's important to develop the
democratic-socialist ideal more concretely, so that we don't have to
make such compromises. But compromises are hard to avoid.<

>>I don't know who you are thinking of. I'm not terribly happy about
the compromise with markets, but they do have certain virtues. I am
even less happy about the systematic defects of planning that no one
has been able to address in a systematic way.<<

I think that one thing we have to get away from is thinking in terms
of simply plan vs. market. The key issue is democratic sovereignty.
How can we set up planning mechanisms that are based on democracy,
encourage democracy, that discourage the establishment of a planning
elite that can turn into a new class? How can we set up market
mechanisms that are based on democracy, encourage democracy, that
discourage the establishment of a marketing elite that can turn into
a new class? I think that Albert & Hahnel approach this question in
the right way, since they do allow for _some_ elements of markets
(i.e., exchange & prices). In fact, compared to utopias such as
William Morris' NEWS FROM NOWHERE, A & H are market socialists.

> If "market socialism" is a transition phase, note, we have to be
_very_ careful. Market institutions involve all sorts of groups
(merchants, etc.) that have vested interests in preserving markets.
Further, they can use their power and influence to turn themselves
into full-scale capitalists (as might the "neutral technocrats" that
many market socialists presume will regulate markets in a fair and
efficient way).<

>>I myself do not view market socialism as transitional, except in
the sense that every social instututional instution is transitional
to something. I am however unimpressed with the arguments that MS
has degenerative tendencies. ... I wrote a little piece on it
myself. I can recap the main points if there's interest.<<

that would be a good idea.

>So these vested interests will fight like hell to preserve their
privilege (perhaps allied with the technocrats, who they ply with
bribes), i.e., to prevent the emergence of real democratic
socialism.<

>>I guess there will be no vested interest in planned socialism, no
technocrats to influence, no politics in a wholly politicized
economy?<<

This is a non sequitur. I would never deny the special interest of
planners. Albert & Hahnel are striving to describe a system where
planners are subordinated to democratic sovereignty. Further, your
last clause suggests that you missed my last missive in a previous
discussion we had. To summarize what I said: to think of a market
economy as being anything but politicized is to fall for commodity
fetishism. It is to fall for the view that markets are somehow
"apolitical," a view that you seemed to reject above.

>>In any case I think market socialism can be real democratic
socialism, in fact, more democratic than planned socialism, for the
reason that planning inefficiencies in a wholly planned economy will
prevent the will of the people from being carried out, while in
market socialism targeted incentives and regulation would be better
at realizing the democratic will.<<

Which "planned socialism" are you thinking of? Mandel or A & H or
Pat (no relation) Devine? Here, it is you that puts all of your
opponents into a single box.

BTW, the problem of figuring out how to exactly "target" incentives
and regulations to realize the democratic will has exactly the same
information problems as with central planning.
 
>>Perhaps you shoukd read Schweickart...<<

I _have_ read his work, though I haven't read his collected works as yet.

>>... I guess I don't see the logic that treats markets as the enemy.
They're tools of coordination which may be used to promote what we
really care about, which isn't an end to markets, but an end to
exploitation, not the stopping of buying and selling, but freedom
and democracy.<<

I don't see markets as "tools of coordination," but as human-made
institutions, ones that reward certain kinds of personalities and 
punish others and encourage certain types of behaviors and discourage 
others. (As Arrow notes, people can't express their social values in 
the market arena.) On the one hand, you praise Schweikart for being an
institutionalist but on the other, you accept a non-institutionalist
view of markets. I don't understand. 

in pen-l solidarity,

Jim Devine   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ.
7900 Loyola Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90045-8410 USA
310/338-2948 (daytime, during workweek); FAX: 310/338-1950
"Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own way
and let people talk.) -- K. Marx, paraphrasing Dante A.



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