New York Times 25 March 2001

Japan's Resurgent Far Right Tinkers With History

By HOWARD W. FRENCH

TOKYO, March 24 - Hironobu Kaneko, a 21-year-old college student, 
remembers the powerful emotions stirred in him three years ago when 
he read a best-selling book of cartoons that extolled, rather than 
denigrated, the history of Japan's former Imperial Army.

The thick cartoon book, or manga, is called "On War" and celebrates 
the old army as a noble Asian liberation force rather than a brutal 
colonizer. It lauds Japan's civilization as the oldest and most 
refined. And it dismisses as fictions well-documented atrocities, 
from the 1937 Nanjing massacre to the sexual enslavement of 200,000 
so-called comfort women in World War II.

"This cartoon was saying exactly what we were all feeling back then," 
said Mr. Kaneko, an eager and articulate student who is spending his 
winter break working as an intern in the Japanese Parliament. "The 
manga was addressing matters that many Japanese people have simply 
been avoiding, like we've been putting a lid over something smelly. I 
just felt it said things that needed to be said."

Asked exactly what that message was, he said, "That we should not be 
so masochistic about our history."

Unlike such countries as Austria and France, Japan has not had a 
prominent political party that has been aggressively nationalistic 
since World War II. Ultraconservatives from right-wing intellectuals 
to criminal syndicates have always maintained discreet contacts with 
the conservative governing party, the Liberal Democrats.

For decades after Japan's defeat in the war, the most visible sign of 
the survival of hard-core nationalists here was just as powerful a 
reminder of their fringe group status: the black sound trucks, mostly 
regarded as public nuisances, that blasted imperial hymns and 
xenophobic speeches on crowded streets.

But as attested by the huge sales of the nationalistic manga - drawn 
and written by a best-selling author, Yoshinori Kobayashi - Japan's 
far right has been elbowing its way into the mainstream, at a time 
when the country is increasingly distressed about its political and 
economic decline.

Mr. Kobayashi's latest manga, "On Taiwan," has sold more than 250,000 
copies since it was published in November and has created sharp 
tensions with Japan's neighbors for its depiction of the war. One 
frame, for example, says that Taiwanese women volunteered to become 
the sexual servants of Japanese soldiers and that the role even 
offered the women social advancement. The government has remained 
silent.

But the ambitions of Japan's new right-wing activists go beyond 
incendiary characterizations of the war, or mere provocation. 
Although their movement is still somewhat amorphous, its wide-ranging 
agenda includes returning to the stricter, more conservative values 
of the past, rewriting the Constitution to allow Japan to make war, 
and re-arming so that Japan would be prepared to go it alone in a 
world they depict as full of threats to its survival.

"We have become like a timid monkey that cannot even raise the 
possibility of war," Mr. Kobayashi wrote in "On War," which has sold 
nearly a million copies.

Later, he picked up on the same theme: "Only Japan refuses to 
recognize its own justness. Is this because its people have turned 
into mice with electrodes stuck into their head? Remove the 
electrodes, Japan! There was justice in Japan's war! We must protect 
our grand fathers' legacy!"

Mr. Kobayashi, who is a young-looking 47, has become an omnipresent 
media star here. He wears his hair in a feathery, parted style 
reminiscent of Oscar Wilde; he dresses in dark, stylish European 
suits - no ties - and wears designer glasses. In a lengthy interview, 
he spoke softly, but in much the same unapologetic vein.

"Whenever history is discussed, Nanjing massacre, comfort women and 
Unit 731 are always raised as if Japanese history consists of only 
these things," he said. "Everyone focuses only on these points to the 
extent I feel like bringing forth a counterargument, asking them 
why." Unit 731 of the Japanese Army experimented with chemical 
weapons on live prisoners.

"These issues have become the fumie for our historical perceptions," 
Mr. Kobayashi said. Fumie were brass tablets, typically bearing a 
cross, on which suspected followers of outlawed Christianity were 
ordered to walk under the assumption that a Christian would refuse to 
trample a sacred image. "But there are a vast number of historical 
facts that make up Japan," he went on. "We are just thinking of what 
to choose out of them in order to explain the present."

Akimasa Miyake, a historian at Chiba University, disagrees, and has 
helped organize seminars for students to address what opponents of 
Mr. Kobayashi say are misperceptions that the students have picked up 
from his work.

"Since the mid-1990's, revisionism, or some would say nationalism, 
has been surging in Japan," he said. "There is a feeling of emergency 
here, and we are very worried. But fortunately, so far this sort of 
reactionary movement hasn't reached the core of the society."

Many of these themes have already been picked up by mainstream 
politicians, however, particularly those in the Liberal Democratic 
Party.

The last two prime ministers, both Liberal Democrats, have enacted 
measures aimed at pleasing this constituency, from making the 
Japanese flag and anthem legally recognized symbols of the nation for 
the first time, to creating a national youth service, which critics 
complain is really aimed at preaching traditional conservative values.

Shintaro Ishihara, the strongly conservative governor of Tokyo, has 
become one of the country's most popular politicians in part by 
sounding a xenophobic alarm about crime by foreigners, and by 
proposing that the United States surrender control over a major air 
base it maintains here under a bilateral defense treaty.

The new nationalists' most ringing success, though, has been at 
rewriting history, taking advantage of a textbook reform won by 
liberal intellectuals in the 1980's after two decades of hard battle. 
The reforms limit the staunchly conservative Education Ministry to 
screening books for factual accuracy instead of writing history.

But now the far right is rushing to put out histories that many 
academics say will whitewash the past. A nationalist group known as 
the Association to Create New History Textbooks has written a 
secondary school book that is in the final stages of government 
screening.

"Why should Japan be the only country that should teach kids - 12- to 
15-year-old kids - bad things about itself?" said Kanji Nishio, a 
leader of the Create New History group. "I think it is ridiculous, 
and very sad and tragic that Japan cannot write its own patriotic 
history. We lost the war, and a fantasy was born that by talking bad 
about yourself, you can strengthen your position. I call that 
masochistic."

Mr. Nishio, a professor of history at the University of 
Electro-Communications in Tokyo, has long been active in right-wing 
intellectual circles, but he never had much impact until his movement 
associated itself with Mr. Kobayashi and younger popular authors and 
celebrities.

Now he has become their guru, saying for example that China 
fabricated the Nanjing massacre to stir nationalist sentiment and 
that the United States deliberately snared Japan into war.

The efforts to rewrite Japanese history have seriously heightened 
tensions with Japan's neighbors. South Korea, which only recently 
reconciled with Japan after years of hatred for its harsh imperial 
occupation, has sent numerous officials here to warn of serious 
consequences if the whitewashed histories are approved.

"Despite Japan's claim that Korea's and China's protests were amply 
taken into consideration, the next history text, whose entirety will 
come to light at the end of this month, will be like a time bomb in 
Korean-Japanese relations," said a recent editorial in Joong Ang 
Ilbo, a leading South Korean newspaper.

In a Japan where the last embers of major social activism seem to 
have died out a generation ago, leading intellectuals and other 
public figures have slowly begun to rally over the textbook issue.

One group, led by the 1994 Nobel literature laureate, Kenzaboro Oe, 
denounced what it called "watering down the infliction of damage on 
other nations and the justification of Japan's invasion and colonial 
rule."

"The voice of criticism has been raised from Korea and China, but of 
course the textbook issue is our own problem," the group said in 
statement. "Can we raise the Japanese of the future who must live in 
international society by such textbooks?"

<http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/25/world/25JAPA.html?pagewanted=all?>

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