Michael Keaney says:

>I won't speak for Mark, whose erudition in this matter is beyond reproach
>IMO, but I will say that, historically, it is capitalist development that
>has been the model. Even Lenin (and later Stalin, and now China) drank from
>the well dug by Taylor, Gantt et al. That is, what we supposed to aspire to
>has been driven by capitalist logic primarily, which naturally skews
>priorities and distorts the full development of human personality and
>community.

That is because Lenin, etc. were engaged in real politics (that is, 
in ideological struggles against bourgeois reformers as well as 
reactionaries, in politico-military struggles to build up socialist 
society's productive forces in order to defend its existence, etc.), 
not because they were necessarily uninterested in ecologically-minded 
socialism.  For instance, Lenin wrote:

*****   The Social-Democrats have proved that they know how to 
appreciate the historic services of the great centres of energy and 
culture by their relentless struggle against all that encroaches on 
the freedom of movement of the population generally and of the 
peasants and agricultural labourers in particular. That is why no 
agrarian can trap them, as he can the Critics, with the bait of 
providing the "muzhik" with winter "employment". The fact that we 
definitely recognise the progressive character of big cities in 
capitalist society, however, does not in the least prevent us from 
including in our ideal (and in our programme of action, for we leave 
unattainable ideals to Messrs. Struve and Berdyaev) the abolition of 
the antithesis between town and country. It is not true to say that 
this is tantamount to abandoning the treasures of science and art. 
Quite the contrary: this is necessary in order to bring these 
treasures within the reach of the entire people, in order to abolish 
the alienation from culture of millions of the rural population, 
which Marx aptly described as "the idiocy of rural life".[72] And at 
the present time, when it is possible to transmit electric power over 
long distances, when the technique of transport has been so greatly 
improved that it is possible at less cost (than at present) to carry 
passengers at a speed of more than 200 versts an hour,[*] there are 
absolutely no technical obstacles to the enjoyment of the treasures 
of science and art, which for centuries have been concentrated in a 
few centres, by the whole of the population spread more or less 
evenly over the entire country.

And if there is nothing to prevent the abolition of the antithesis 
between town and country (not be imagined, of course, as a single act 
but as a series of measures), it is not an "aesthetic sentiment" 
alone that demands it. In the big cities people suffocate with the 
fumes of their own excrement, to use Engels' expression, and 
periodically all who can, flee from the cities in search of fresh air 
and pure water." Industry is also spreading over the countryside; for 
it, too, requires pure water. The exploitation of waterfalls, canals, 
and rivers to obtain electric power will give a fresh impetus to this 
"spreading out of industry". Finally -- last, but not least[*] -- the 
rational utilisation of city refuse in general, and human excrement 
in particular, so essential for agriculture, also calls for the 
abolition of the antithesis between town and country. It is against 
this point in the theory of Marx and Engels that the Critics decided 
to direct their agronomical arguments (the Critics preferred to 
refrain from fully analysing the theory, which is dealt with in great 
detail in Engels' Anti-Duhring,[74] and, as usual, limited themselves 
simply to paraphrasing fragments of the thoughts of a Brentano). 
Their line of reasoning is as follows: Liebig proved that it is 
necessary to restore to the soil as much as is taken from it. He was 
therefore of the opinion that throwing city refuse into the seas and 
rivers was a stupid and barbarous waste of materials essential for 
agriculture. Kautsky agrees with Liebig's theory. But modern 
agronomics has proved that it is quite possible to restore the 
productive forces of the soil without the use of stable manure, 
namely, by means of artificial fertilisers, by the inoculation of 
certain bacteria into leguminous plants which collect nitrates, etc. 
Consequently, Kautsky, and all those "orthodox" people, are simply 
behind the times.

Consequently -- we reply -- here, too, the Critics commit one of 
their innumerable and endless distortions. After explaining Liebig's 
theory, Kautsky immediately showed that modern agronomics has proved 
that it is quite possible "to dispense altogether with stable manure" 
(Agrarfrage, S. 50; see passage quoted above), but added that this 
was merely a palliative compared with the waste of human excrement 
entailed by the present system of city sewage disposal. Now, if the 
Critics were at all capable of discussing the essential points of the 
question, this is the point they should have disproved; they should 
have shown that it is not a palliative. But they did not even think 
of doing so. Needless to say, the possibility of substituting 
artificial for natural manures and the fact that this is already 
being done (partly) do not in the least refute the irrationality of 
wasting natural fertilisers and thereby polluting the rivers and the 
air in suburban and factory districts. Even at the present time there 
are sewage farms in the vicinity of large cities which utilise city 
refuse with enormous benefit to agriculture; but by this system only 
an infinitesimal part of the refuse is utilised. To the objection 
that modern agronomics has refuted the argument that the cities 
agronomically exploit the countryside, with which the Critics present 
Kautsky as something new, he replies, on page 211 of his book, that 
artificial fertilisers "render it possible to avoid the diminution of 
soil fertility, but the necessity to employ them to an increasing 
extent merely indicates still another of the numerous burdens 
agriculture has to bear, which are by no means a natural necessity, 
but a product of existing social relations".[*]

(Lenin, "The Agrarian Question and the 'Critics of Marx'," at 
<http://www.marx2mao.org/Lenin/AQCM01.html>)   *****

What prevented the Soviets from bringing about the abolition of "the 
antithesis between town and country" was, first and foremost, a 
multitude of political problems (e.g., hoarding by richer peasants, 
imperialism, increasing centralization of power in the hands of the 
bureaucratic elite, etc.).  Today's eco-socialists, who tend to think 
they are so much smarter & more ecologically sensitive than Lenin, et 
al., will also encounter a multitude of comparable political problems 
if they ever get around to actually making a transition to socialism.

>And before some bore hits back with an utterly predictable (and
>defeatist) "Well how would socialism differ?" it would, by definition, be
>far more democratic. Capitalism has replaced labour intensity with energy
>intensity against the wishes of many former skilled trade practitioners,
>often reducing the quality of the end product in the process. Construction
>and home furniture spring to mind here. Food and agriculture even more so
>(think of recent British experience). Meanwhile increased reliance upon
>electronics and cyber-technology will only intensify energy demand. And
>there is much capitalist industry that can, without great disagreement among
>socialists, be decommissioned. That pertaining to the military sector would
>be a good place to start. Other readily dispensable accoutrements of waste,
>as highlighted by Veblen, Baran & Sweezy, etc., would be the embedding of
>the sales effort in the production process.

Decommissioning the military sector would be an excellent idea once 
the entire world left capitalism & imperialism to the dustbin of 
history.  An unfortunate reality is that socialists can't lay down 
arms altogether until war against them ends.  If socialism is to be 
democratic, freely associated producers of a possible socialist 
future (if such a future comes) -- rather than today's eco-socialists 
-- _must decide for themselves_ whether they would rather have labor- 
or energy-intensive production, or more likely what mixture of both, 
in view of social & natural constraints that they face.

>I agree with a point made by Michael P. some time back: future generations,
>as well as the present, have much to be grateful to Cuba for, given its
>remarkable resilience in the face of significant hardship.

No doubt, but I also believe Cubans are relieved to find a friend in 
Venezuela (see for instance "Cuba, Venezuela Sign Oil Deal" at 
<http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/cuba/US-Cuba/ap103000.html>).

Yoshie

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