[Ian gave me permission to send this one-to-one communication to the pen-l
list as a whole.]

I wrote:>>the real-world fallacy of composition (or division) is
crucial: in this context, it says that the microeconomic processes
governed by prices do not correspond to the macroeconomic processes
described and understood by value concepts. This contrast leads to crises,
among other things.<<

Ian writes:>I don't see how the failure of capitalists or their economists
to understand value concepts leads to crises.<

the use of value concepts allows the understanding of the capitalist
system as a totality. Lacking this understanding -- and more
importantly, the ability to act on this understanding -- is one aspect
of the "anarchy of production," a necessary component of the existence
of crises.

>>I don't see Marxian (labor) values as normative, except as
representing "bourgeois right" (sale at value is treated as "equal
exchange" in CAPITAL).<<

>How is the concept of exploitation, which seems to be the heart of
the LTV, not normative? <

As Cornel West's analysis of Marx's take on morality suggests, Marx
applied the standards of "bourgeois right" (trading at price = value) to
show that capitalist violates _its own standards_. Marx clearly had his
own moral standards, but he never elaborated on them (he was never an
ethicist): living in an era (not that different from our own) when
people throw around moral slogans and then routinely turn around to
violate them, he focused instead on the contrast between moral theory
and practice. West argues that Marx gave up on the project of finding
the fundamental basis for all morality. [partly because he saw efforts such
as Kant's as so sterile.]

>If I had tried to explain to my co-workers that the reason they were
exploited was because of the LTV I would have been laughed out of my
job; in that sense, to lots of workers, exploitation is like
pornography. You can't quantify it but you know it when you 'feel' it. I
think it's a big mistake to go the quantitative route in positing a
viable theory of exploitation that workers and citizens find easily
intelligible, it's precisely why I prefer a labor theory of property
approach.<

The Law of Value is not specifically a normative theory. The way I
explain exploitation's ethical edge is by the phrase "taxation without
representation." Capitalist exploitation rests on state use of force, on
domination of workers' lives in the workplace and elsewhere, and on the
structural coercion inherent in the reserve army of the unemployed. The
role of coercion makes exploitation like taxation. Now, in theory, this
exploitation could be the basis for building up civilization and the
like. But workers have no say -- no representation -- in any of this.

...

>... I'm all for avoiding the pitfalls of MI [methodological individualism],
but I don't see how value concepts help us on that issue.<

Value theory starts with the notion that we all live in a society which
works as a group (though often poorly coordinated). That basic notion of
interdependency is missing in MI. 

>Ok, but whenever I see the word cost I think of price, but since SOC
means something other than price to you --feel free to correct me if I'm
wrong-- I'm still stumped at how value concepts can explain market
failure better than a rigorous analysis of the distribution of contracts
and property rights and the accompanying politics that led to the
failure. As Daniel Bromley has said 'no market failure without state
failure.'<

I wasn't positing value concepts as a substitute for the theory of
market failure. Rather, I was pointing to similarities between the
value/price distinction and the social opportunity cost/private
opportunity cost distincition. 

>I was working from your use of the term 'free lunch' which I thought
meant getting something for nothing. If the capitalists don't get
something for nothing from the working class, then what is the basis for
a critique of profit as a reward to ownerhsip of the MOP if we agree
that ownership is not productive activity. <

the capitalists get something for nothing _from_ the working class, but
that doesn't mean that profits simply pop out of thin air. One _can_ get
a "free lunch" by stealing it, but that's not what the phrase "no free
lunch" refers to. Rather it means that _someone_ pays. 
Jim 

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