Among others, I think the folks at the Canadian Centre for Policy 
Alternatives have been producing stuff on this,  but I didn't find a 
specific title in my quick search at 
http://www.policyalternatives.ca/bc/index.html. The BC government has set 
up an agency to promote public-private partnerships in health delivery, 
e.g. they plan to open a new PPP hospital in Abbotsford, even though the 
accounting study commissioned projects "savings" of  less than 3% (and this 
does not include lots of costs, e.g., for government planning).

Bill


At 07:44 PM 13/06/2002 -0500, you wrote:
>According to this guy privatisation increases efficiency in Swedish health
>care. I have been looking for a critique of  these reforms but can't find
>any. Does anyone have URLs pointing to such a critique? I do know that the
>re-introduction of copays has increased usage of the system byt he better
>off compared to the less well off. Before copays there was little difference
>     It is interesting that at least some unions support the changes. Also,
>the principle of universal coverage is not being challenged. What is
>happening is that more and more the system is opening up as an outlet for
>private capital and for profit health care and justified in terms of choice
>and efficiency. The state is able to serve private capital without
>challenging the principle of universal coverage.
>
>
>
>Cheers, Ken Hanly
>
>SWEDISH HEALTH-CARE REFORM:
>FROM PUBLIC MONOPOLIES TO MARKET SERVICES
>by Johan Hjertqvist*
>
>For 500 years Sweden has been a uniform and centralized country. Today it is
>on the road to pluralism and stronger regional governments. Often the leader
>of new trends in Europe, Swedes are making it clear to their politicians
>that they want public policies which cater better to individual needs and
>preferences.
>You can notice this change in the labour markets. Collective bargaining is
>in retreat, and Manpower, a temporary-help agency, is now the second-largest
>employer in Stockholm. In the education industry, privately operated schools
>are doubling their market share every year (though from a low base), and
>competitors who offer e-learning solutions for workplace education are
>booming. Signs of change are also apparent in the health-care industry:
>privatized hospitals, clinics and medical practices of all kinds; increasing
>numbers of private insurance companies; Internet-based patient information
>and a profusion of well documented opinions in favour of free choice,
>competition and diversity.
>
>Underlying this change of opinion is the success of public policy
>experiments that have embraced the principles of competition and choice. In
>1992-94, the Greater Council of Stockholm launched a number of competitive
>initiatives whose success is now apparent. Competition in public
>transportation in the metropolitan area has reduced taxpayer costs by 600
>million SEK, or roughly 25 percent. In one blow, with competitive
>contracting, the Greater Council reduced the yearly cost of ambulance
>service in the Stockholm region by 15 percent. In all areas service quality
>has increased noticeably.
>
>The results in health care have been just as startling. For example,
>privatized nursing homes have reduced costs by 20-30 percent. Or again, a
>recent evaluation has shown that private medical specialists are more
>efficient than their colleagues in public service. They focus on
>"with-patient time", which results in more patient value. Publicly employed
>doctors, in contrast, have more staff, spend more of their time on paperwork
>and ask for 10-15 percent higher budgets to provide the same treatment
>levels.
>
>By 1994, when the centre-right regional coalition lost the election, 100
>small and medium-size health-care contractors had been established, all of
>which had previously worked within the public system. All except one remain
>active. The change in government slowed, but did not stop, the process. In
>1998, the centre-right grouping returned to power, and they picked up new
>steam. They have wide public support in the urban areas, including that of
>the largest health-care unions, and plan to turn most of primary care into
>contracted services, an irreversible major step.
>
>Right now, about another 100 health-care units are in the process of leaving
>public ownership to become private companies. The Greater Council lends
>significant support in the form of free training and start-up consultants.
>In general, the new contractors run local health-care stations, GP group
>practices, treatment centers for mothers and infants, laboratories and
>psychiatric out-of-hospital clinics. When (and if) the Council completes
>this transformation, private GPs and other contractors will deliver around
>40 percent of all health-care services, and about 80 percent of all primary
>health-care in the metropolitan area.
>
>In 1999, a private company, Capio Ltd., bought one of Stockholm's largest
>hospitals, the St. George, from the Greater Council. Since the early 1990s,
>Capio has run a hospital in Gothenburg as well as X-ray clinics, laboratory
>services and other "infrastructure". The St. George operates at a cost level
>10-15 percent below its most efficient public counterpart in Stockholm, the
>South Hospital. Compared with the average of public hospitals, the margin is
>15-20 percent. According to Greater Council evaluations, the St. George is
>well known for implementing new, efficient organizational structures and
>treatments.
>
>This success portends similar changes for the remaining six emergency
>hospitals in the Stockholm region. Two have already been turned into
>commercially viable, and thus saleable, corporations; two others are slated
>to follow next year. The remaining three are candidates for marketization.
>In other words, while the sale of all of Stockholm's hospitals seems
>imminent, the strategy is to give the public hospitals a chance to prove
>their efficiency before any new moves are made.
>
>REFORM OR EVOLUTION?
>
>Swedes still have strong egalitarian convictions. In particular, they
>believe that good health care should be available to everyone, that incomes
>must not decide the level or quality of treatment and that basic care should
>be financed by public authorities. Indeed, good health care is considered
>intrinsic to democracy. In Sweden, as in Canada, the deficiencies of the
>American health-care system are frequently used to divert and confuse the
>debate over reform. More and more, Swedes are looking for a more flexible
>welfare state, but not the end of the welfare society.
>
>Nevertheless, the Swedish system will continue to see reform. Or, more
>correctly, changes. The word "reform" might suggest a well planned
>transition, decreed by Parliament and managed by the civil service. But as
>national politics drift away from traditional welfare-state thinking,
>regional and local parliaments will gain more power, opening up a broader
>pattern of experimentation. Mounting demand for services will be met
>increasingly by insurance companies and private care-providers, particularly
>in local markets in the major cities and more populated areas. Rather than a
>top-down, nationwide series of reforms, we are witnessing an evolution, a
>"bubbling up" of localized solutions, a decentralized and spontaneous
>"marketization" of the sector.
>
>THE DEMOGRAPHIC TIME BOMB
>
>What are the forces driving this evolution? Sweden leads the general
>European trend towards aging populations. In the year 2020, four out of ten
>Swedes will be over the age of 65. That means not only that demand for
>health services and geriatric care will increase, but also that the
>productive workforce and the tax base will shrink correspondingly. Rising
>individual demand for greater choice, higher quality, more information and
>second opinions will compound the challenge. This will push costs even
>higher.
>
>These trends are manifesting themselves in almost every developed country.
>In other European countries - as is already the case in the United States -
>people are putting such a high priority on being well and maintaining the
>quality of their lives that they are becoming more willing to use their own
>money for health care and services for seniors. They no longer trust
>politicians to use tax money to satisfy their needs; they are sophisticated
>enough to want to be in control themselves.
>
>In post-war Sweden, tax increases made the welfare state work. Over the
>longer term this trend proved unsustainable. To meet European Union
>requirements and global competition during the coming years, Sweden has had
>no choice but to reduce its high tax levels.
>
>LIKELY TO SURVIVE?
>
>Sweden's present health-care structure cannot meet the challenge of being
>part of a lower-tax environment. Health-care consumers want a customer
>focus, no waiting lists and highly motivated service providers. This type of
>service is best delivered by small, independently operated enterprises,
>particularly employee-owned firms.
>
>Competition between these entrepreneurs, and between them and government
>health-care units, will expose bad operating practices and neglected
>opportunities. Allowing entrepreneurs to compete for public contracts will
>create an environment conducive to improved problem solving, new approaches
>and budget discipline. There is considerable experiential evidence that
>competitive organizations tend to concentrate on customer satisfaction and
>productivity. This entrepreneurial difference will give them an edge in
>solving problems (like waiting lists) over public units, which operate in an
>environment in which there is only a vague focus on outputs.
>
>Many health-care procedures in Sweden involve the participation of the
>country's overlapping bureaucracies. Responsibility for social welfare
>services is spread among several regional and local authorities, which often
>co-operate badly. However, people no longer accept being pushed back and
>forth or enduring delays in treatment caused by administrative inertia.
>Service entrepreneurs have the tools to solve these severe problems.
>
>A TORPEDO
>
>The Swedish health-care sector is suffering increasingly severe recruitment
>difficulties, due to both low birth rates and a poor image as a place to
>work. The system is harmed by weak leadership, low pay and the lack of
>possibilities for advancement. Dramatic organizational changes are needed to
>satisfy and motivate employees, especially young people who sympathize with
>the ethos of public health care but find the working conditions
>unattractive.
>
>In Sweden, private health-care entrepreneurs generally tend to treat their
>employees better. Many nurses have lost their illusions about public
>employment and have started their own enterprises. They have benefitted from
>public-private competition. Since private companies began competing with
>public units, wages in the health-care sector have risen at three times the
>earlier rate. Today, very few people - most notably including trade
>unionists - believe that public monopolies pay higher salaries. Like a
>torpedo launched out of the blue, competition has blown a hole in the hull
>of the old system.
>
>The National Union of Nurses, with 120, 000 members, actively supports
>nurses who want to leave public employment and emulate the success of their
>colleagues who started new careers as contractors in the early 90s. The
>union runs a special company to promote new ideas and activities in this
>field.
>
>The chairwoman of the Union, Eva Fernvall, has become an articulate advocate
>of radical change. "Let the market take over health care!" a headline has
>quoted her as saying. She makes the case for more patient focus, flatter
>organizational structures, stronger incentives for workers and increased
>numbers of producers and employers. On November 25th, 1997 Dagens Nyheter,
>Sweden's largest daily, published a discussion of ideas that Fernvall had
>co-authored with other opinion leaders-including the chairmen or CEOs of the
>National Union of Doctors, four other health-care unions, a large private
>health-care company and the Union of Swedish Industry. She wrote the
>following points:
>
>"From different points of view we have come to the conclusion that a
>completely different, more independent organization than the present one can
>offer very large gains for Swedish welfare - a better function of health
>care with the same or lower costs."
>"Today, in many fields there are uncertain mechanisms for decision-making
>within sometimes-conflicting hierarchies. The system suffers from petty
>political interference. Operations therefore ought to be led by
>professional, non-political management."
>"Of course there would be enormous stimulus to those working within the
>health care field to be valued for how they perform, where they themselves -
>under independent conditions and professional responsibility - have at their
>disposal methods to deliver good quality of health care."
>"When it comes to organization, it cannot be very complicated for the
>Greater Councils to get rid of most of the parts of the ownership of
>hospitals and other health-care institutions. There are great numbers of new
>owners ready to take over if price and condition are correct."
>"Co-operation and confrontation between enlightened buyers and sellers can
>be made a developing force in the system's details as well as its whole. In
>today's society the old [health-care] model no longer works. Now there is a
>need for flexibility, entrepreneurship and new channels to let loose the
>complexity of demand and supply, held back for decades."
>Since then, Fernvall has had occasion to repeat her message. "Health-care
>pluralism" is today the official standpoint of the nurses' unions. She is
>supported in her stand by most other health-care unions.
>
>Looked at from the aspect of nurses' salaries, the Fernvall arguments are
>based on solid ground. Between 1995 and 1999, publicly employed nurses
>increased their salaries by 26 percent, second only to civil engineers. This
>gain is three times greater than what was won during the previous period,
>when private alternatives were still weak. The trigger turned out to be the
>individual competence factor: employers now have the freedom to reward
>initiative and responsibility. This development becomes possible only when
>increasing numbers of employers compete for nurses and other staff.
>
>During the old greater council monopoly, very little happened. It turned out
>to be impossible to raise salaries through central negotiations, Fernvall
>said in an interview earlier this year. How you performed was of no
>significance. A wider salary range for differing skill levels is the key.
>
>Today, she maintains, the 20 percent spread between the highest and lowest
>nurses' pay is still far too narrow. It must, she writes grow to at least 50
>percent to promote individual competence.
>It's clear that competition from the independent contractors has
>simultaneously bid up nurses' wages across the system and raised the quality
>of care. This explains the attraction markets exert on Sweden's health-care
>unions even though they are opposed by virtually every union in the field in
>most Western countries.
>
>SWEDEN 2010
>
>Sweden's future health-care system is developing fast. Many do not like the
>new the new arrangements or the side effects of the emerging
>welfare-services market, but a growing number of people will not be
>satisfied with anything less.
>
>The trend is towards ongoing reform of the old system, rather than towards a
>complete rebuilding from the ground up. There will be no "grand master plan"
>imposed by Parliament. Instead, there will be a large number of small- or
>medium-scale changes in shifting tempo dispersed around the country. I
>suggest that the transition will run along the following lines in two
>distinct regions:
>
>1. Urban Areas
>Policies and solutions will become less homogeneous. In the bigger urban
>areas, income, education and political trends will favor provider pluralism
>and - incrementally - additional financing (private insurance).
>Hospitals now owned by the regional authorities will turn into publicly
>traded companies; this measure will increase productivity and budget
>control.
>Private providers will expand as successive sectors (e.g., nursing homes,
>public dentistry) are forced to compete.
>Public and private producers will build alliances. International companies
>will enter the market and operate hospitals that were once publicly owned.
>
>2. Rural Areas
>In more traditionalist parts of the country, generally those with sparser,
>older and less well educated populations, you will not see much change.
>The regional and local governments will hesitate to contract out services.
>These areas will also attract fewer entrepreneurs (who, of course, prefer
>environments where competition is welcomed).
>Patients will still be willing to stand in line for treatment.
>The aggressive consumer will have hardly any impact on the northern parts of
>Sweden.
>PATIENT VOUCHERS IN A DECENTRALIZED MARKETPLACE
>Efficiency will rapidly become the single most important driving factor. Not
>from a narrow budget perspective, but from a value-for-money and
>quality-of-life viewpoint, "How can I best use my (tax) money to improve my
>health and quality of life?" will become an increasingly common question
>among young people as private pension funds and other savings grow at high
>rates.
>
>The political system will lose much of its power (not without controversy,
>of course). Fewer citizens, as sophisticated consumers, will trust elected
>bodies to solve the problems of the individual through collective measures.
>With better education and higher levels of "social competence", people will
>feel comfortable creating their own solutions within the publicly financed
>system.
>
>The ever more apparent potential for dramatic improvements will keep up the
>pressure for change. The combination of pharmaceutical and technological
>advancements is already opening new possibilities every day. It's doubtful
>that the system will withstand the pressure for better, albeit more costly,
>service by saying "no" to individual needs. When patients ask for the latest
>treatment, the financial aspect will become crucial.
>
>In ten years' time, basic health care will still be financed by taxes, but
>many services will be for sale in the out-of-pocket or private insurance
>markets. Regional authorities will be responsible for most of the hospitals,
>but private contractors will operate from within these facilities.
>
>In large parts of the country, primary health care will be privately owned
>and operated but publicly paid for through "patient vouchers". In general,
>networking will be the predominant approach; i.e., combinations of public
>and private suppliers will be seen in many fields.
>
>Throughout Sweden, the focus will center on customer satisfaction in a
>system that measures and guarantees quality outputs, including
>evidence-based routines and best-practice treatments. Working conditions
>within the care services will improve noticeably, thanks to stronger owners,
>better management, expanding career opportunities and the efforts of manpowe
>r companies.
>
>Care will no longer be looked upon as a basically political question, but as
>a matter between well-informed consumers and their partners in the
>healthcare field.
>
>
>*Johan Hjertqvist has successively been entrepreneur, consultant, deputy
>mayor of the city of Tyreso, author and research director on the reform of
>social services in Sweden. He took part in the creation of a Nordic body
>tasked with implementing modern health care in the Baltic States. He acts as
>adviser to the Greater Stockholm Council on the health system and is
>director of "Health in transition", a four-year pilot project whose
>objective is to describe and analyze the operation of a competitive market
>within the public system. In addition, he is currently writing a book about
>how the combination of new consumer values and scientific progress will
>change the meaning of health care.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>----- Original Message -----
>From: "Michael Perelman" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Sent: Thursday, June 13, 2002 5:23 PM
>Subject: [PEN-L:26871] Re: Costly privatizing of firefighting
>
>
> > Does anybody know of any examples where privatization has created any
> > efficiencies other than attacking wages and working conditions?  Does
> > anyone know of any case where it has not increased overhead and
> > administrative bloat?
> >  --
> > Michael Perelman
> > Economics Department
> > California State University
> > Chico, CA 95929
> >
> > Tel. 530-898-5321
> > E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> >

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