GOP Attorneys General Asked For Corporate Contributions
By R. Jeffrey Smith and Tania Branigan
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, July 17, 2003; Page A01


Republican state attorneys general in at least six states telephoned
corporations or trade groups subject to lawsuits or regulations by their
state governments to solicit hundreds of thousands of dollars in political
contributions, according to internal fundraising documents obtained by The
Washington Post.

One of the documents mentions potential state actions against health
maintenance organizations and suggests the attorneys general should "start
targeting the HMO's" for fundraising. It also cites a news article about
consolidation and regulation of insurance firms and states that "this
would be a natural area for us to focus on raising money."

The attorneys general were all members of the Washington-based Republican
Attorneys General Association (RAGA). The companies they solicited
included some of the nation's largest tobacco, pharmaceutical, computer,
energy, banking, liquor, insurance and media concerns, many of which have
been targeted in product liability lawsuits or regulations by state
governments.

The documents describe direct calls the attorneys general made, for
example, to representatives of Pfizer Inc., MasterCard Inc., Eli Lilly and
Co., Anheuser-Busch Cos., Citigroup Inc., Amway Corp., U.S. Steel Corp.,
Nextel Communications Inc., General Motors Corp., Microsoft Corp. and
Shell Oil Co., among other companies. They also make clear that RAGA
assigned attorneys general to make calls to companies with business and
legal interests in their own states.

One of those soliciting funds between 1999 and 2001, according to the
documents, was Alabama Attorney General William Pryor Jr., a pending
nominee by President Bush to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th
Circuit. Sources said that a former RAGA employee recently turned some of
the fundraising documents over to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which
could vote as early as today on his nomination. A source who asked not to
be named provided the documents to The Post.

The nomination had already provoked a partisan battle, with Democrats
contending that Pryor is a conservative ideologue and raising the
possibility of a filibuster.

Other attorneys general mentioned in the documents include then-Virginia
Attorney General Mark L. Earley; Delaware Attorney General Jane Brady;
then-South Carolina Attorney General Charlie Condon; then-Texas Attorney
General John Cornyn, now in the Senate, and then-Ohio Attorney General
Betty Montgomery.

One document states, for example, that Cornyn was asked to collect a
donation from Shell Oil in late 1999, but does not mention whether Shell
gave the group money. The firm was one of five energy companies that
reached a $12.6 million settlement with Cornyn in August 1999 in a dispute
over unpaid royalties. Two years later, Shell was one of 28 oil and
petrochemical companies to reach a $120 million settlement with him and
the U.S. Department of Justice in a separate dispute over toxic waste.

Last night, Don Stewart, a spokesman for Cornyn, said the senator does not
recall telephoning Shell Oil. Stewart also said he was "troubled by the
inference that there is some kind of connection" between any such phone
call and a legal settlement that "benefited the citizens of Texas."

"This is incredibly tawdry," said Charles Lewis, director of the Center
for Public Integrity, an independent group that highlights the link
between money and politics. "That famous statue of the lady of justice
with the blindfold -- this kind of throws that out the window. There is an
incredible mercenary element to this that implies that policy is bought
and sold."

"I do not see anything wrong with that," Earley said. "Attorney generals
are elected officials and regularly solicit funds for their own campaigns
from organizations and businesses in their states. With RAGA, it was being
done on a group basis."

A spokesman for Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., one of the companies
mentioned in the documents, said he is not familiar with the cited
contributions. However, he said, the firm routinely gives funds to "those
who share our beliefs" and protect the rights of smokers. Calls to other
firms the documents mention were not returned.

All funds collected by RAGA were passed to the Republican National
Committee -- without any public link to the attorneys general who made the
solicitations -- and then disbursed to campaigns by the attorneys general
and other candidates, the documents indicated. The group does not file
public disclosure statements.

The documents state that in return for contributions, company officials
would be entitled to meet with the attorneys general, participate in
conference calls with them and socialize with them. As of Feb. 22, 2000,
the group had collected $235,000 from 21 firms, received promises of
$188,500 from 24 other firms, and was soliciting funds from an additional
114 firms, the documents state.

RAGA was founded by Pryor and the Republican National Committee with the
explicit aim of soliciting funds from the firearms, tobacco and paint
industries and other industries facing state lawsuits over cancer deaths,
lead poisoning, gunshots and consumer complaints, according to statements
by Pryor and other officials.

Pryor, who did not return a phone call to his Alabama office seeking
comment yesterday, has told reporters that he does "not want corporations
to be punished" by trial lawyers and favors a "market-oriented" approach
to state law enforcement. He has also said that contributions do not
influence legal decisions by RAGA members.

In the documents, Pryor is described as phoning Philip Morris Inc. and
Brown & Williamson in 1999 to obtain $25,000 "Roundtable" memberships in
RAGA from each company. He also is described as phoning Boeing Co.,
BP/Amoco, GTE Corp., AT&T Corp., MCI Communications Corp., SouthTrust Bank
and other firms, including some in Alabama, and collecting an additional
$75,000.

The two tobacco companies were parties to a $2.6 billion liability
settlement reached in 1998 with 26 state attorneys general, including
Pryor. In a written statement following his June 11 confirmation hearing,
Pryor said he was unaware of any funds RAGA solicited or collected from
companies in Alabama. He also told Congress he did not know whether any
tobacco companies were RAGA members.

In November 1999, when Democrats were pressing for tighter gun controls,
Earley told Congress that the solution was better enforcement, not more
legislation. He was assigned to solicit a contribution from the
Fairfax-based National Rifle Association, which donated $25,000 a month
after Earley's testimony, the documents state. Randy Kozuch, the gun
group's director of state and local affairs, also served on the RAGA
finance committee that year.

The documents state that Earley was assigned to contact several other
major donors, including pharmaceuticals giant Eli Lilly, which paid
$15,000 to join RAGA and sponsored a lunch at its spring conference for
$5,000.

Earley said he had never solicited funds from the NRA for RAGA. "There may
be documents that someone suggests [calls] be parceled out to certain
individuals, but I do not remember dealing with the NRA," he said. "I did
deal with some businesses that did business in Virginia," he added.

The executive director of RAGA, Tim Barnes, said the actions described in
the documents preceded his tenure with the group and that he is unfamiliar
with them. But he said that "Republican attorney generals assist us in our
fundraising efforts."

Staff researcher Karl Evanzz contributed to this report.

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