I just got a copy of the article discussed here.  It reinforces the
importance of fighting stupidity, parallel to the recent survey about
who ill-informed Fox news viewers are.

The question remains, what can we do to help to formulate a coherent
view of the world.

New York Times - October 16, 2003

ECONOMIC SCENE
Cloudy Thinking on Tax Cuts
By ALAN B. KRUEGER

CONSERVATIVE and liberal political commentators alike have wondered
why most Americans have enthusiastically supported two of the largest
tax cuts in history even though most benefits will flow to
upper-income families. Adding to the conundrum, in public opinion
surveys Americans routinely express support for spending more on
government programs like education, opposition to government budget
deficits, and disappointment that the gap in income between rich and
poor has widened - all of which are in conflict with regressive tax
cuts.

In the most extensive analysis yet available, Larry Bartels, a
political scientist at Princeton University, gives a simple but
persuasive explanation: "unenlightened self-interest." Middle- and
lower-income Americans supported tax cuts they suspected went largely
to the rich because they thought they, too, would benefit, if only by
a small amount, and because they failed to connect the tax cuts to
rising inequality, their future tax burden, or the availability of
government services.

Professor Bartels analyzed a small battery of questions added to the
National Election Survey, a poll of 1,500 people interviewed in the
six weeks before the November 2002 election, and again in the month
after the election. The survey turned up some remarkable results,
which he reports in "Homer Gets a Tax Cut: Inequality and Public
Policy in the American Mind."

For example, most Americans will never have to pay the estate tax,
yet 70 percent expressed support for eliminating it anyway. Support
for eliminating the tax was nearly as great - 66 percent - among
people who had strong reasons to favor keeping it: namely, those in
families earning less than $50,000 a year who said that the increase
in income inequality was a bad thing, that government policy
contributed to differences in income, and that the rich pay less than
they should in taxes.

Changing the wording from "estate tax" to "death tax" only marginally
increased support for eliminating the tax, so people were not fooled
by the framing of the issue.

Yet, Professor Bartels said, they were fooled. A separate survey
sponsored by the Kaiser Foundation found that half of respondents
thought "most families have to pay the federal estate tax when
someone dies." Just a third gave the correct answer of "only a few
families." (Only about 2 percent of estates are now subject to the
tax.)

Several polls have found that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts were
supported by a majority of the public, although, surprisingly, the
tax cuts were not as popular as scrapping the estate tax.

People who thought their own taxes were too high were much more
likely to support the 2001 tax cut and to oppose the estate tax.
Paradoxically, whether someone thought taxes on the rich were too low
or too high was irrelevant to their position on tax cuts. Professor
Bartels said a misconceived notion of self-interest explains these
findings.

Some have argued that Americans are not "demonstrating in the
streets" over regressive tax cuts because they are indifferent to
inequality. Yet the survey found that 74 percent of respondents
recognized that the difference in incomes between rich and poor was
larger than it was 20 years ago, and a majority of them considered
this a "bad thing." Only one in 20 considered the rise in inequality
a "good thing."

Of course, views expressed in polls can differ from actual voter
behavior. Recent election results, however, suggest that low-income
people who hardly benefit from tax cuts that jeopardize government
services still favor tax cuts.

Consider Alabama, which in September voted down a tax referendum
championed by the state's Republican governor. Alabama's threshold
for paying state taxes is the lowest in the country at just $4,600
for a family of four; taxes are highly regressive. The referendum
would have raised the threshold to $17,000, increased the tax rate
for higher earners, ended the state's full deductibility of federal
income taxes, and expanded the sales tax. The revenue would have more
than offset the state's record budget deficit, with the surplus
earmarked for a reading program for elementary-school children,
higher teacher salaries in at-risk schools, and college scholarships.

Lower-income families clearly would have benefited. Yet only 36
percent of voters in the bottom half of counties ranked by median
household income supported the referendum, just slightly more than 32
percent in the top half.

Professor Bartels, citing a 2003 Kaiser Foundation survey, points to
"a good deal of ignorance and uncertainty about the workings of the
tax system and the policy options under consideration." Sixty-one
percent of respondents said they had not heard of President Bush's
proposal to do away with the dividend tax. Even worse, most people
said they paid more in federal income taxes than in Social Security
and Medicare taxes, a confusion that has helped keep payroll tax cuts
- which would have stimulated job growth - off the table. And only 29
percent of people thought high-income people would benefit most from
Mr. Bush's proposal to speed up and make permanent the previously
enacted tax cuts.

Norbert Schwartz, a cognitive psychologist at the University of
Michigan, said he thought the study provided "a powerful illustration
of how the combination of low factual information and good political
spin creates preferences that aren't in people's interest."

Nonetheless, there is a limit to how much informing people can
transform public opinion. Those who were better informed were much
less likely than the uninformed to support the 2001 tax cut (although
equal numbers of the most informed still supported and opposed it),
but not less likely to support eliminating the estate tax.

Providing information is also unlikely to increase support for budget
discipline. In a survey experiment, my Princeton colleague Alan
Blinder and I found that most people woefully underestimated the size
of the federal deficit, although a majority considered it a serious
problem. But when we told a different 500 people how big the deficit
actually was, they were less inclined to say it was serious.

Larry Bartels concludes that "most Americans support tax cuts not
because they are indifferent to economic inequality, but because they
largely fail to connect inequality and public policy." In this sense,
Homer Simpson had it backward when he said, "Just because I don't
care doesn't mean that I don't understand."

--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Chico, CA 95929
530-898-5321
fax 530-898-5901

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