Deep-rooted commodity trap lies behind Africa's poverty

Kamran Kousari
Monday March 15, 2004
The Guardian

Gordon Brown and Jim Wolfensohn, writing in the Guardian on February 16 -
"A new deal for the world's poor" - provided a candid assessment of the
gulf between the promises and achievements of the international community
in meeting agreed goals on health, education, child and maternal
mortality, and poverty reduction. On their most optimistic calculations,
two more generations will be born into abject poverty in the developing
world before the UN's millennium development goals begin to be met.

On one level, this dismal outlook is not surprising, since good intentions
have not been backed by appropriate financial support from the
international community. The call for a doubling of aid through a new
international financing facility marks a welcome change of heart. It is no
secret, however, that better health and education, higher life expectancy
and poverty reduction are part and parcel of a larger development effort
that cannot be achieved without faster growth and better income
distribution.

On this level, sustainable development is about finding the right policy
blend. Here, opening up to global market forces bolstered by good
governance and modest gestures towards debt reduction are still expected
to do the trick.

In reality, the economic legacies of two decades of market-driven
adjustment packages are a weak investment climate, premature
de-industrialisation and erratic growth, in many cases at or below
population growth.

Faulty economic logic has had its most damaging impact on Africa, where
all these outcomes have been accompanied by a drop in the share of world
exports from 6% in 1980 to 2% in 2002. But far from reflecting a
reluctance to embrace globalisation, Africa has posted the highest trade
to GDP ratio of any region outside east Asia.

The problem is rather that growth depends on one or two primary
commodities whose prices have seen a secular and persistent decline,
placing a permanent pressure on foreign exchange earnings, frustrating
investment-led recoveries and adding to the debt overhang.

If terms of trade had remained at their 1980 levels, the share of the
sub-continent in world exports would have been double its present level,
its investment ratio would have been six percentage points higher and per
capita income would be as much as 50% higher. In short, behind the poverty
trap in Africa lies a deep-rooted commodity trap.

That trap has all too often been fastened tight by the policy actions of
the rich countries who have been extending a very visible hand to their
own farmers through huge subsidies and market barriers to deflect the
adverse impact of price movements, even as they have argued against
similar instruments to protect far harder-hit rural communities in the
developing world.

With the ascendancy of the "Washington consensus", commodity agreements to
achieve price stability and compensatory financing mechanisms to deal with
short-term shocks have been discarded.

And at the national level, many African countries undergoing structural
adjustment and reforms have had to dismantle marketing boards that
provided extension services to farmers and guaranteed minimum prices,
leaving poor farmers alone to face increasingly concentrated markets and
frequent shocks, both natural and policy-made.

President Chirac of France recently called for an end to "the conspiracy
of silence" on commodity issues. A new study of Africa's trade performance
by the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (Unctad) has
heeded this call and suggested a series of changes to the policy stance of
the international community towards commodity-dependent economies. This
should begin with a renewed commitment to an international commodity
policy to address not only price fluctuations but also the long-term
decline in prices. This commitment would entail significant new funding
targeted at improved supply management, economic diversification, as well
as the building of much neglected infrastructure.

In addition to new funding, a permanent exit solution to the debt overhang
of these countries is essential and should go far beyond the present
enhanced HIPCs initiative.

More immediately, African producers of such goods as cotton and ground
nuts should be compensated for loss of incomes arising from unfair
subsidies and support in Europe and the United States. All these measures
could be worked into the kind of new deal for the world's poor suggested
by Brown and Wolfensohn.

But in addition, developed country markets should be opened up through a
reduction or elimination of tariff peaks and subsidies and African
countries given the necessary policy space to design and implement trade,
industrial and financial policies adapted to their individual requirements
and circumstances.

This would necessitate much lighter conditions attached to multilateral
and bilateral lending. And any multilateral trade agenda without such
goals could not credibly advertise itself as developmental.

Finally, greater local institutional capacity has to be created to fill
the institutional hiatus in areas such as research and training, transport
infrastructure, information management and quality control, and the
management of rationalisation schemes.

Direct involvement by producers and exporters could also help ensure that
the interests of producers are not sacrificed for those of bureaucrats, or
the state.

· Kamran Kousari is special coordinator for Africa at Unctad in Geneva;
the Unctad study on "Trade performance and commodity dependence" was
released on February 26.

Reply via email to