of course, the main parties won't change the current electoral system as long as they 
both think they gain from it (and there's no serious pressure on them to change). So 
don't expect Condorcet's criterion to apply in practice. 
Jim D. 

        -----Original Message----- 
        From: Yoshie Furuhashi [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
        Sent: Sat 3/27/2004 11:17 AM 
        To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
        Cc: 
        Subject: [PEN-L] Nader the Condorcet Winner in 2000
        
        

        The virtue of the Condorcet method is its ability to eliminate the
        pressure on voters to vote to defeat the least desirable candidate
        rather than reveal their true preferences, by allowing voters to rank
        the candidates (like Instant Runoff Voting) and by refusing to
        eliminate the candidate with the least first choices (unlike Instant
        Runoff Voting).
        
        That Ralph Nader turned out to be the Condorcet Winner in 2000 shows
        how unusual the 2000 election was, according to Bruce C. Burden:
        
        *****   Two common methods are majority and plurality rule.  Majority
        rule would have failed in 2000 because no candidate won 50% of the
        popular vote.  And plurality rule would have elected Gore as he
        clearly won the popular vote.  And neither majority nor plurality
        rule is more natural than or superior to more complicated methods. .
        . . [T]he Founders chose to create the Electoral College to choose
        presidents. Bush won the 2000 election because he won a majority of
        electoral votes, after a serious of legal battles in Florida held him
        over the 270 required for victory.  One might wonder whether this
        rather unique method of election selected the same winner that other
        aggregation schemes might or whether Bush's victory was idiosyncratic
        to the particular set of institutions and events that put him into
        office.
        
        One of the most stringent methods of selecting a candidate was
        proposed by the Marquis de Condorcet more than 200 years ago.  The
        Condorcet criterion is a desirable method of choosing among multiple
        candidates because it sets the threshold of victory high.  Condorcet
        argued that a winning alternative ought to be capable of defeating
        all other alternative in head-to-head comparisons.  That is, A should
        be the victor only if she beats both B and C in paired situations. .
        . .
        
        National Election Study data from 2000 make it possible to conduct a
        crude analysis of strategic voting.  I follow a long line of research
        that uses rankings of the candidates on the traditional "feeling
        thermometers" as estimates of the relative ordinal utilities each
        person has for each candidate.  Thermometers are reasonable proxies
        for respondents' utilities for the candidates and predict the vote
        well (Abramson et al. 1992, 1995, 2000; Brams and Fishburn 1983;
        Brams and Merrill 1994; Kiewiet 1979; Ordeshook and Zeng 1997;
        Palfrey and Poole 1987; Weisberg and Grofman 1981).  Abramson and
        colleagues (1995) show that the winners of the popular and electoral
        vote in three notable third party elections -- 1968, 1980, and 1992
        -- were all Condorcet winners.  That is, the Electoral College victor
        also would have won using Condorcet's standard of beating each of the
        other candidates in head-to-head comparisons.  Using their approach,
        I have verified that Clinton was easily the Condorcet winner in 1996
        as well.
        
        It is reassuring that different voting schemes -- simple plurality
        rule, the Electoral College, the Condorcet criterion, and perhaps
        even approval voting -- all select the same candidate in each of the
        last four elections with significant minor parties (Brams and
        Fishburn 1983; Brams and Merrill 1994; Kiewiet 1979).  Indeed, it is
        remarkable that every presidential election for which adequate survey
        data exist seems to have chosen the Condorcet winner, regardless of
        minor party showings.  This is satisfying in part because no voting
        method is ideal and the Condorcet method appears to be one of the
        most stringent as a Condorcet winner does not even exist in many
        settings.
        
        The 2000 election is not so tidy.  Not only did George W. Bush not
        take the popular vote, but the data clearly show that he was not the
        Condorcet winner either.  This is apparently the first time in the
        survey era that this has happened.  Moreover, it is quite possible
        that the winner of the popular vote -- Al Gore -- was also not the
        Condorcet winner.  Examining the pre-election rankings, Nader beats
        Buchanan (659-240), Gore (527-500), and Bush (562-491), thus making
        him the Condorcet winner.3  Nearly every other method makes Gore the
        winner.  Running through the list of voting methods that are commonly
        discussed in textbooks on the subject (e.g., Shepsle and Bonchek
        1997), Gore wins whether using a plurality runoff, sequential runoff,
        Borda count, or approval voting.4  The 2000 election thus represents
        a highly unusual event in modern U.S. politics as the Electoral
        College and ensuing legal battles surrounding Florida are perhaps the
        only method that would result in George W. Bush's election.
        
        ("Minor Parties in the 2000 Presidential Election," 2-3,
        <http://psweb.sbs.ohio-state.edu/faculty/hweisberg/conference/burdosu.pdf>)
        *****
        
        The main points of Burden's essay is (1) that George W. Bush could
        _not_ have won the election by _any_ voting method -- he won only
        because of the Supreme Court's intervention and Al Gore's
        acquiescence to it; (2) "Bush not only lost the popular vote but was
        nearly the Condocet _loser _in head-to-head pairings with each of
        other candidates" (Burden, 10); (3) _before 2000_, all actual
        presidential election winners were also Condorcet winners (i.e.,
        candidates with broad appeal, preferable to the other major and minor
        party candidates from the points of view of many of the voters who
        did not make them their first choices) in the elections for which
        adequate survey data are available, but _in 2000_ neither Gore nor
        Bush was the Condorcet winner, an exceptional outcome in modern US
        history; and (4) Nader turned out to be the Condorcet winner,
        _despite_ the fact that Nader (unlike Ross Perot) was not a centrist
        candidate who attracted centrist voters who prefer compromise
        candidates and that actual "Nader voters were more liberal,
        pro-choice, and educated than other voters on average" and chose
        Nader over Gore because they were "discontent with the economy"
        (Burden, 1-2, 14) -- "For a voter who is undecided between Gore and
        Nader, viewing the current economy as 'poor' rather than 'excellent'
        increases his probability of picking Nader from .50 to .79, a change
        of nearly 30 percentage points" (Burden, 13).
        
        Comparison of actual votes and true preferences is important, as it
        suggests a potential Green Party strategy:
        
        *****   Table 1 demonstrates this by comparing respondents' candidate
        rankings along with their vote choice and turnout decisions.  The
        data show that nearly all of those who rated Buchanan or Nader as
        their most preferred candidates voted for someone else.  Among
        voters, over 90% of people who rated Buchanan or Nader highest did
        not vote for them. . . .
        
        Table 1: Candidate Rankings, Vote Choice, and Abstention
        
                   Highest Ranked Candidate
                   Bush  Gore  Nader  Buchanan
        Presi-
        dential
        Vote
        Choice
        
        Bush      93.7   6.2  37.6    46.3
        Gore       5.8  93.5  52.0    43.9
        Nader       .5    .3   9.4     3.5
        Buchanan     0     0     0     3.5
        Other        0     0   1.0     2.7
        Abstain   20.0  25.9  48.1    39.8
        
        Notes: Ranking based on pre-election feeling thermometers as the
        post-election thermometers do not include Buchanan.  NES sample
        weight used. Ties are omitted.
        
        (Burden, 3-4)   *****
        
        The Green Party should think about what is to be done to motivate
        those who prefer Nader to actually get to the ballot boxes and vote
        for him, rather than think about what to say to win back those who
        actually voted for Nader but now regret their vote -- a tiny
        minority: "[A]pparently not many Nader voters regret their decisions.
        Only 1 in 10 Nader voters say they wish they could change their vote
        after knowing how close the election was" (Burden, 4).
        --
        Yoshie
        
        * Bring Them Home Now! <http://www.bringthemhomenow.org/>
        * Calendars of Events in Columbus:
        <http://sif.org.ohio-state.edu/calendar.html>,
        <http://www.freepress.org/calendar.php>, & <http://www.cpanews.org/>
        * Student International Forum: <http://sif.org.ohio-state.edu/>
        * Committee for Justice in Palestine: <http://www.osudivest.org/>
        * Al-Awda-Ohio: <http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Al-Awda-Ohio>
        * Solidarity: <http://www.solidarity-us.org/>
        


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