Kerry would keep US troops in Iraq far longer than Bush

The Democrat looks like the one with the long-term imperial agenda

Jonathan Steele
Friday July 9, 2004
The Guardian

Kerry would keep US troops in Iraq far longer than Bush

The Democrat looks like the one with the long-term imperial agenda

Jonathan Steele
Friday July 9, 2004
The Guardian

Here's a dinner-party talking point that can run and run, certainly
until November and, if the Democrats win the US presidency, for several
months beyond. Would John Kerry, far from quickly bringing US troops
home, keep them in Iraq even longer than George Bush?

My answer, regrettably, is yes - which means that the Democratic
convention in Boston later this month will be a sad affair for the
people of Iraq, where polls consistently show a majority in favour of
early withdrawal.
....

Given this analysis [of the post-invasion disaster and falling Iraqi
support for it], what would Bush do if he won a second term? The
conventional view is that he is one of the most ideologically, even
religiously driven, presidents of modern times. He would pursue his
pre-emptive war on terror in Iraq and beyond.

But there is another possibility. Iraq has been a millstone for the past
year and a half, and he might well choose to declare victory and
withdraw. Iraq's January election provides the perfect escape hatch. We
have brought Iraq to the first democratic poll in its history and now we
move out, he could announce, as he sets a timetable for a three-month
withdrawal. Whatever mess follows, he would argue that it was no longer
his responsibility. The US gave Iraq its freedom, and that means the
freedom to make mistakes.

Kerry, by contrast, looks increasingly like the candidate with the
long-term imperial agenda. It would not be as raw as the one pushed by
Bush's neoconservative apostles of privatisation, but it would be
imperial none the less, dressed in the classic garb of Democratic party
multilateral interventionism.

In speech after speech Kerry has laid the ground work for expanding and
prolonging the US presence in Iraq. It starts with macho bluster.
"Extremists appear to be gaining confidence and have vowed to drive our
troops from the country. We cannot - and will not - let that happen," he
thundered in a radio address on April 17. Then comes the mission
statement: "It would be unthinkable for us to retreat in disarray and
leave behind a society deep in strife and dominated by radicals" (from
the same broadcast). What happens if Iraqis elect radicals in January?
Will they not be allowed to take power?

At Fulton in Missouri, the site of Churchill's Iron Curtain speech,
Kerry laid out his vision for extra troops. "If our commanders believe
they need more American troops, they should say so and they should get
them ... But more and more American soldiers cannot be the only solution
... The coalition should organise an expanded international security
forces, preferably with Nato, but clearly under US command," he said on
April 30.

In a Washington Post article on Sunday, he attacked Bush for not having
"a realistic plan to win the peace and bring our troops home". Did he
produce one of his own? No, he made it clear the expanded foreign force
would stay for years. "Our goal should be an alliance commitment to
deploy a major portion of the peacekeeping force that will be needed in
Iraq for a long time to come," he said.

Nato could be mobilised to help stabilise Iraq "and the region", he went
on. Does he have his eye on Iran and Syria too? The price of inaction
would be heavy, he warned at Fulton. Trying to frighten his allies, he
raised the stakes higher than Bush has, saying: "For the Europeans,
Iraq's failure could endanger the security of their oil supplies,
further radicalise their large Muslim populations, threaten
destabilising refugee flows, and seed a huge new source of terrorism."

The notion of Bush as an ideologue and Kerry as a realist is too simple.
Each has elements of both, and it may well be that a second-term Bush
would recognise the cost of his first term's mistakes. Flushed by
victory, Kerry might be less clear-sighted.

One leading Democratic expert, Zbigniew Brzezinski, takes the line that
the US should withdraw from Iraq by mid-2005. But most advisers now
gathering round Kerry are missionaries who believe not so much in a war
on terror as in a war on state failure. Failed states produce terrorism,
they argue, so you have to go to the source.

The notion is more dangerous, since the number of target-countries for
uninvited nation-building is bigger. The issue is not whether military
intervention is unilateral, as with Bush, or multilateral, as with
Kerry, but why neither sees that it nearly always makes things worse.

[EMAIL PROTECTED] 

------------------------
Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] &  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine

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