Alan A. Block, "Space, Time & Organized Crime":
As a way of initially placing the fascist presence in America, consider Mussolini's reception in the United States. According to John P. Diggins' history, Mussolini enjoyed a "vast popularity" which was a "product of the press." Diggins pointed out that "The New York Times" correspondents' writing on Italy approved of fascism and Mussolini. One of the most prolific was Anne O'Hare McCormick who "rhapsodized upon the feats of the Blackshirts and consistently defended the twists and turns of Mussolini's diplomacy, justifying the Ethiopian invasion, the Italian 'volunteers' in Spain, and the Rome-Berlin axis." Like the extraordinarily influential "The New York Times" which featured so many rhapsodic articles on fascism, the mass circulation "Saturday Evening Post" which had about three million subscribers in 1930 "effectively created a respectable image of Mussolini." Indeed, Post writers did much more than make Mussolini respectable, they described him in numerous articles as a "political savior," and "economic genius," and the leader in the struggle of "virtue over vice." In 1928, the Post went beyond description of fascism and Mussolini, and in serial form published Mussolini's "autobiography." Negotiations for this publishing coup were carried out by the American ambassador to Italy, Richard Washburn Child who was "infatuated with the Italian dictator and frequently conferred with him on the state of American opinion." Most likely the Mussolini autobiography published in the Post was in fact written by Child with the aid of Mussolini's brother.
Fascism was well established and deeply entrenched within the associational life of Italian-Americans. And, Generoso Pope as publisher of pro-Fascist papers was clearly one of the most important Fascist propagandists. Pope's Fascist activities, however, were not entirely subsumed by his newspapers. As a man of influence Pope played a role in legitimizing fascism by his participation in public events that extolled Mussolini and Italian Fascism. For instance, he was a member of a committee which arranged for the reception of Italo Balbo, Italian airman, on January 3, 1929. A few weeks later, Piero Parini, "director of the bureau of Italians abroad and director general of the Italian schools abroad at the Rome Foreign Office" came to the United States. While in New York, Parini received the "honorary title of deputy sheriff of New York County" at a dinner arranged for him by Pope. The chief editor of Il Progresso Italo-Americano was Italo Carlo Falbo who was a "friend" of Mussolini's and also represented the state-controlled Stefani News Agency in New York. Pope engaged in fund-raising activities for the Reverend Joseph Congedo's educational endeavors among Italian-American children which were laced with fascist propaganda. The Reverend Congedo was knighted by Mussolini in 1932 for spreading the fascist gospel. Early in 1934, Pope was a featured speaker at, what Salvemini described, "the golden anniversary of the priesthood of the Fascist Reverend Francis P. Qrassi, paster of Saint Anthony, Wakefield, Bronx." In March 1934, Pope sent a representative to a "birthday of Fascism" party held at the Hotel Ambassador which had been promoted by Il Grido delta Stirpe and was attended by Count di Revel and other fascists. In October 1934 Pope sent a telegram of "greeting and approval" to the Lictor Association which had "promoted a celebration of the March on Rome." Similar demonstrations took place in 1935 with Pope either speaking or as one of the distinguished guests. He was especially prominent in defending "Italy's right to civilize Ethiopia" during that year.
With only one substantial exception which will be dealt with shortly, there has never been any question of Pope's background in the Italian-American fascist movement. There is, however, a substantial question dealing with Pope and fascism which is concerned with precisely when he actually denounced Mussolini and Fascism. Furthermore, there are interpretive problems dealing with the meaning of Pope's anti-fascist statements coming as they did in general after Italy and America were at war.
Let us first deal with the exception—Pope's defender who claimed that he was never even a Fascist sympathizer. In the spring of 1941, [Democratic Party] Congressman Samuel Dickstein from New York took up cudgels for Pope in the House of Representatives and answered newspaper allegations that Pope had been a fascist sympathizer. Dickstein acknowledged that Pope was the publisher of two, as he put it, "outstanding Italian newspapers," and then added that he was a benefactor to the poor and that "He always condemned fascism and the Mussolini movement." Several months later, Dickstein continued his defense in Congress. This was necessary because in the interim, Dickstein's original statement had sparked a flurry of mail to Congress which as Dickstein stated accused "Mr. Pope of fascistic activities" and criticized the congressman. The main perpetrator of this mail, Dickstein charged, was Giralomo Valenti, editor of La Parola and friend and associate of Carlo Tresca characterized as an "avowed provocateur." Dickstein's defense in this case was to point out that Valenti, Tresca, and others were both communist propagandists and secret fascists. In particular, Dickstein singled out the Mazzini Society and stated that "the truth of the matter is, that the organizers of this society are fascists who have fallen apart recently from the councils of the party, and who wish to propagate their own brand of Fascism against that officially adopted by the existing Fascist organization."
-- Marxism list: www.marxmail.org
