Seth: Current approaches to the general fund budget deficit in California and 
its various municipalities include: cutting payments/services, outsourcing 
labor to the private sector (for increased flexibility!), offering some 
employees ‘golden handshakes’ and re-negotiating govt. labor union contracts. 
As Jim writes, raising taxes is an alternative. There's a recent precedent, 
too. CA voters approved a measure to increase the tax rate on millionaires by 
one percent to add funds for mental health services in 2004. 
   
  Message: 4
  Date: Thu, 6 Mar 2008 13:38:42 -0800
  From: "Jim Devine" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
  Subject: Re: [Pen-l] Roach and my comment
  To: "Progressive Economics" <[email protected]>
  Message-ID:
              <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
  Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
   
  In the article at
  http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/05/opinion/05roach.html, Steven Roach
  says: > The Bank of Japan ran an excessively accommodative monetary
  policy for most of the 1980s. In the United States, the Federal
  Reserve did the same thing beginning in the late 1990s. In both cases,
  loose money fueled liquidity booms that led to major bubbles.<
   
  Why is it _excessively_ "accommodative monetary policy"? Without this
  kind of monetary policy in the late 1990s, the US economy would likely
  have stalled in 1996 or 1997 or thereabouts. The short period of
  close-to-full employment at the end of the decade would not have
  happened. Without this kind of monetary policy, the recession in 2001
  would likely have been deeper and longer, with even more negative
  impact on workers. It seems like the US economy cannot have
  half-decent growth of demand without "excessively accommodative
  monetary policy"!
   
  What's the problem? To my mind, it's the way that the distribution of
  income and wealth have steadilyly tilted to the right (since 1980 or
  so), with the rich getting richer (and richer and richer...) and the
  rest of us facing stagnant or even falling incomes. This has led to a
  stagnation of mass consumption (absent expansion of credit) or what
  I've termed the "underconsumption undertow."
   
  Just as a strong swimmer can beat an undertow, an economy can enjoy
  demand growth, roughly in step with its potential growth, despite an
  underconsumption undertow. (For the mathematical condition that must
  be met for this to happen, see my 1994 RESEARCH IN POLITICAL ECONOMY
  article.) This can happen due to private nonresidential fixed
  investment, as happened in the late 1990s. It can happen due to
  investment in housing and credit-based expansion of consumer spending,
  as has happened in the post-2001 period until recently. It can also
  happen due to increased luxury spending, as has happened since about
  1980 or so, accelerating in recent years. With stagnant underlying
  consumer spending (sans credit expansion) in place, all of these but
  perhaps the last (i.e., increasingly luxury spending) require what
  Roach calls "excessively accommodative monetary policy."
   
  The problem is that relying on any of these props makes the economy
  increasingly unstable, i.e., prone to collapse. Fixed nonresidential
  investment is notoriously less stable than consumer spending. So is
  luxury spending -- since, after all, it's not really needed. Housing
  investment is also unstable, fluctuating more than most. And
  credit-based consumption spending leads to the accumulation of debt,
  which is hard to sustain. In a time when the Federal government's
  purchases (G) were shrinking as a percentage of GDP, these
  private-sector sources of instability become increasingly important.
   
  (Federal G shrank relative to GDP from 1991 to the present, with an
  up-tick about 2001 to 2004 which did not cancel out the over-all
  trend. The up-tick partly reflects the increase in military spending.
  State & Local purchases are ignored because those governments behave
  more like consumers, varying purchases with tax revenues.)
   
  As Roach notes, the 2001 recession and the current one (if it ends up
  being classified using that term) both involved bubbles popping:
  underlying instability came to the top. He then suggests that
  infrastructural investment (and if the US is lucky, export growth) can
  fill the gap. Hopefully, it will be "green" investment.  Julio adds
  the Clintonesque point that the government could invest in "human
  capital" (i.e. education). That's fine, but I would add in basic
  research, public health, reconstruction after disasters (think New
  Orleans), and the like. Then, the government should not try to fund
  these investments out of a balanced budget but instead using credit.
  After all, corporations don't run balanced capital budgets.
   
  The increased role of government sure fits with the normal tendency of
  capitalism that results from what Engels calls the contradiction
  between socialized production and private appropriation (of profits).
  That is, all else constant, the capitalist state tends to play a
  bigger and bigger role (at least until things have settled down, the
  way they did in (say) the 1950s). It socializes private losses.
   
  But what about raising (after tax) wages, to strike a direct blow at
  the underconsumption undertow? In theory, this could make bubbles
  unnecessary to stable growth. This kind of solution seems totally
  forgotten. That's likely because it involves reversing the one-sided
  class war.
  -- 
  Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
  way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.

       
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