Robin M. Mills writes in an op-ed for [Informed Comment, Cole's blog]

A pernicious myth has recently re-emerged: that oil is 'running out',
that global production will soon peak and enter inexorable decline.
What is the proper response to 'peak oil' – to attempt energy
self-sufficiency, or to take military control of oil producing regions
before the Chinese or Russians get there?

The current high energy prices emerge from a long period of low prices
and under-investment, itself the fruit of the breakdown of
international energy relationships in the oil crises of 1973-4 and
1978-80. Contrary to vocal 'peak oil' claims, high prices are not due
to a lack of resources in the ground. There remains vast potential
around the world for increasing recovery from existing fields,
discovering new oil, as recently in deepwater Brazil, or in the
largely untouched US offshore, and for 'unconventional' sources such
as Canada's famous 'oil sands', biofuels, synthetic fuels from natural
gas and coal, and others.

Ideas about forestalling an oil crisis by 'energy independence', or by
military action, are therefore mistaken. Indeed, such 'solutions' are
likely to create the crisis they seek to mitigate. 'Energy
independence' for the United States was touted by Nixon in 1974, by
Ford in 1975, by Carter in 1977, by Reagan in 1981, by Bush Senior in
1991, by Clinton in 1992 and by Bush Junior in 2003, during which time
American oil imports doubled. 'Peak oil' ideas, recent high oil prices
and fears of Middle East hostilities seem to have made the quest more
urgent. Campaigns encourage American consumers to boycott Middle
Eastern 'terrorist oil', and laws are proposed to sue OPEC. When Arab
countries, even staunch US allies, attempt to recycle their oil
earnings into the faltering American economy, politicians whip up
media storms to keep them out.

Such a climate, with elements of paranoia, racism and Islamophobia, is
profoundly harmful to the proper objective of energy policy: not
independence, but security. Energy security is achieved when suppliers
find markets, and markets find supply, at prices permitting both of
them economic stability and growth. This requires a complex web of
inter-relationships between producers and consumers. As the oil
company Chevron observes in its advertising, 'There are 193 countries
in the world. None of them are energy independent', a fact well
illustrated by the USA's recent deal to supply nuclear power
technology to the oil-rich United Arab Emirates. In a global market,
like that for oil, no country can wall itself off - compare the
flourishing state of energy-poor Japan or Singapore with the poverty
of isolated Burma or North Korea. Attempts by a major nation to
achieve energy self-sufficiency are very distorting to economic
competitiveness, as is clear from the contradictory blunders of 1970s
US energy policy.

It is even worse when bad relations with major energy suppliers, and
conflicting messages about future energy policy, discourage
much-needed investment. If one side believes they are buying oil from
terrorists, and the other thinks they are selling to neo-imperialists,
it is not surprising that oil prices are high, investment is lacking
and most of world oil reserves are monopolised by state companies. In
fact, the Middle Eastern nations have generally been very reliable
suppliers, and use of a mythical 'oil weapon' is very unlikely – any
régime would be reliant on its oil earnings to sustain the economy,
while strategic reserves in the industrialised countries give some
'staying power' to outlast an embargo. Moreover, while terrorists
might manage to penetrate the strong defences of an oil facility and
mount a spectacular attack, it is unlikely that they could achieve
major, long-running disruptions in global energy supplies.

Policies to encourage US domestic production, increase efficiency and
introduce alternative energy sources are desirable, often for
environmental rather than energy security reasons, but they have to be
pursued with vigour and resolution. With its 'pork barrel' subsidies
and the interminable, inconclusive debates over whether to open new
exploration areas, build new pipelines and terminals for clean natural
gas, extend support for renewable energy and increase mileage
standards, United States energy policy has been more erratic and
hostile to increasing output than most of the Middle Eastern
countries. Promises to 'jawbone' OPEC into supplying more oil sit very
oddly with the US's uniquely comprehensive moratoria on offshore oil
and gas production.

Because of the abundance of oil and other energy sources, an era of
'resource wars', predicted by some, is far from inevitable, and
certainly not a desirable policy outcome even for the likely 'winners'
of such wars. We should certainly not fall into the monomaniac trap of
seeing every geopolitical conflict as rooted in oil policy. Military
'control' of oil is not achievable or cost-effective, as the Iraq war
shows, and as we know already from the Japanese experience in World
War II, and Saddam Hussein's attack on Iran. The expenditure on such
wars vastly exceeds the value of any oil 'secured', and while
production can struggle along in war-torn areas, it is impossible to
develop major new fields. 'Police actions' to deal with specific
threats are entirely reasonable, as long as they are multi-lateral and
proportional to the danger posed. It would be nice, although possibly
a lot to ask, for them to be carried out competently.

Thus grandiose military adventures destroy the co-operation which is
essential for global energy trade. 'Energy independence' is a chimera,
expensive, unachievable, and swimming against the tide of greater
global economic integration. The world is not running out of oil, but
we need a rational and balanced dialogue about how to co-operate on
bringing that abundant energy to consumers. If the profound
misunderstanding of, and hostility towards, the Middle East,
continues, the house of energy security is being built on sand.

Robin M. Mills, author of 'The Myth of the Oil Crisis' (Praeger, 2008)

ROBIN M. MILLS is an oil industry professional with a background in
both geology and economics. Currently, he is Senior Evaluation Manager
for Dubai Energy. Previously, he worked for Shell. Mills is a member
of the International Association for Energy Economics and Association
of International Petroleum Negotiators. He holds a Master's Degree in
Geological Sciences from Cambridge University

[as usual, I do not endorse the opinions expressed above -- JD]
-- 
Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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