It has a very nice compendium of idiotic Greenspan quotes over the years.

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/09/business/economy/09greenspan.html
---------------------------------------------snip
For more than a decade, the former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan
Greenspan has fiercely objected whenever derivatives have come under
scrutiny in Congress or on Wall Street. "What we have found over the
years in the marketplace is that derivatives have been an
extraordinarily useful vehicle to transfer risk from those who
shouldn't be taking it to those who are willing to and are capable of
doing so," Mr. Greenspan told the Senate Banking Committee in 2003.
"We think it would be a mistake" to more deeply regulate the
contracts, he added.

Today, with the world caught in an economic tempest that Mr. Greenspan
recently described as "the type of wrenching financial crisis that
comes along only once in a century," his faith in derivatives remains
unshaken.

The problem is not that the contracts failed, he says. Rather, the
people using them got greedy. A lack of integrity spawned the crisis,
he argued in a speech a week ago at Georgetown University, intimating
that those peddling derivatives were not as reliable as "the
pharmacist who fills the prescription ordered by our physician."

[...]

Mr. Greenspan declined requests for an interview. His spokeswoman
referred questions about his record to his memoir, "The Age of
Turbulence," in which he outlines his beliefs.

"It seems superfluous to constrain trading in some of the newer
derivatives and other innovative financial contracts of the past
decade," Mr. Greenspan writes. "The worst have failed; investors no
longer fund them and are not likely to in the future."

In his Georgetown speech, he entertained no talk of regulation,
describing the financial turmoil as the failure of Wall Street to
behave honorably.

"In a market system based on trust, reputation has a significant
economic value," Mr. Greenspan told the audience. "I am therefore
distressed at how far we have let concerns for reputation slip in
recent years."

[...]

As the nascent derivatives market took hold in the early 1990s, and in
subsequent years, critics denounced an absence of rules forcing
institutions to disclose their positions and set aside funds as a
reserve against bad bets.

Time and again, Mr. Greenspan — a revered figure affectionately
nicknamed the Oracle — proclaimed that risks could be handled by the
markets themselves.

"Proposals to bring even minimalist regulation were basically rebuffed
by Greenspan and various people in the Treasury," recalled Alan S.
Blinder, a former Federal Reserve board member and an economist at
Princeton University. "I think of him as consistently cheerleading on
derivatives."

Arthur Levitt Jr., a former chairman of the Securities and Exchange
Commission, says Mr. Greenspan opposes regulating derivatives because
of a fundamental disdain for government.

Mr. Levitt said that Mr. Greenspan's authority and grasp of global
finance consistently persuaded less financially sophisticated
lawmakers to follow his lead.

"I always felt that the titans of our legislature didn't want to
reveal their own inability to understand some of the concepts that Mr.
Greenspan was setting forth," Mr. Levitt said. "I don't recall anyone
ever saying, 'What do you mean by that, Alan?' "

[...]

In his testimony at the time, Mr. Greenspan was reassuring. "Risks in
financial markets, including derivatives markets, are being regulated
by private parties," he said.

"There is nothing involved in federal regulation per se which makes it
superior to market regulation."

Mr. Greenspan warned that derivatives could amplify crises because
they tied together the fortunes of many seemingly independent
institutions. "The very efficiency that is involved here means that if
a crisis were to occur, that that crisis is transmitted at a far
faster pace and with some greater virulence," he said.

But he called that possibility "extremely remote," adding that "risk
is part of life."

[...]

In 1997, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, a federal agency
that regulates options and futures trading, began exploring
derivatives regulation. The commission, then led by a lawyer named
Brooksley E. Born, invited comments about how best to oversee certain
derivatives.

Ms. Born was concerned that unfettered, opaque trading could "threaten
our regulated markets or, indeed, our economy without any federal
agency knowing about it," she said in Congressional testimony. She
called for greater disclosure of trades and reserves to cushion
against losses.

Ms. Born's views incited fierce opposition from Mr. Greenspan and
Robert E. Rubin, the Treasury secretary then. Treasury lawyers
concluded that merely discussing new rules threatened the derivatives
market. Mr. Greenspan warned that too many rules would damage Wall
Street, prompting traders to take their business overseas.

"Greenspan told Brooksley that she essentially didn't know what she
was doing and she'd cause a financial crisis," said Michael
Greenberger, who was a senior director at the commission. "Brooksley
was this woman who was not playing tennis with these guys and not
having lunch with these guys. There was a little bit of the feeling
that this woman was not of Wall Street."

[...]

In November 1999, senior regulators — including Mr. Greenspan and Mr.
Rubin — recommended that Congress permanently strip the C.F.T.C. of
regulatory authority over derivatives.

Mr. Greenspan, according to lawmakers, then used his prestige to make
sure Congress followed through. "Alan was held in very high regard,"
said Jim Leach, an Iowa Republican who led the House Banking and
Financial Services Committee at the time. "You've got an area of
judgment in which members of Congress have nonexistent expertise."

[...]

In 2000, Mr. Harkin asked what might happen if Congress weakened the
C.F.T.C.'s authority.

"If you have this exclusion and something unforeseen happens, who does
something about it?" he asked Mr. Greenspan in a hearing.

Mr. Greenspan said that Wall Street could be trusted. "There is a very
fundamental trade-off of what type of economy you wish to have," he
said. "You can have huge amounts of regulation and I will guarantee
nothing will go wrong, but nothing will go right either," he said.

Later that year, at a Congressional hearing on the merger boom, he
argued that Wall Street had tamed risk.

"Aren't you concerned with such a growing concentration of wealth that
if one of these huge institutions fails that it will have a horrendous
impact on the national and global economy?" asked Representative
Bernard Sanders, an independent from Vermont.

"No, I'm not," Mr. Greenspan replied. "I believe that the general
growth in large institutions have occurred in the context of an
underlying structure of markets in which many of the larger risks are
dramatically — I should say, fully — hedged."

[...]

His memoir was released in the middle of 2007, as the disaster was
unfolding, and his book tour suddenly became a referendum on his
policies. When the paperback version came out this year, Mr. Greenspan
wrote an epilogue that offers a rebuttal of sorts.

"Risk management can never achieve perfection," he wrote. The
villains, he wrote, were the bankers whose self-interest he had once
bet upon.

"They gambled that they could keep adding to their risky positions and
still sell them out before the deluge," he wrote. "Most were wrong."

No federal intervention was marshaled to try to stop them, but Mr.
Greenspan has no regrets.

"Governments and central banks," he wrote, "could not have altered the
course of the boom."



-raghu.

-- 
"To be or not to be. That's not really a question."
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