Doyle wrote:

> A genuine mass movement depends upon
> how well the reformist efforts of
> Obama and others around the
> democratic party come into being.

I'd think it's the exact opposite.  The reformist efforts of Obama and
others in the DP depend for their realization on genuine mass
movements or, at the very least, the credible threat of disruptive
mass movements emerging at short notice.  And by "genuine" I do not
mean mass movements organized along lines fantasized by leftist
ideologists, but as they may arise in this particular historical
ground, in response to concrete social needs, wielding whichever
political instruments are at hand.

Obama claims (and each one decides how much credence to give him)
that, to carry out his agenda, he expects and needs people to remain
mobilized.  He's been insisting that this is all about the needs of
"middle class" people like those struggling, working class people he
showed in his infomercial; that nothing will happen if people don't
make it happen, etc.  Similarly, he's talked much about government
accountability and transparency.  The guy got lots of cash from rich
donors, but if you take a step back and look at his campaign as a
whole, against the backdrop of traditional U.S. politics, his campaign
is basically a testimonial to the power of organized, mobilized, smart
people.  And it's clear that Obama personal idyosincracy shaped up the
approach to the campaign.

Everybody says that the campaign was well organized.  The basic layout
is a testimonial to the power of leadership.  It owes much to a few
very smart minds.  Various essential aspects of the organization
remained highly centralized around the figure of Obama and his
immediate staff.  However, that was only part of it.  The execution
was the genius of the campaign.  And, if you ask me, the execution
relied largely on the initiative of lots of smart people, capable of
self-organization.  The Internet was used in a very smart way.  The
first thing one would notice is that, in spite of the centralism of
the strategic decisions, the online organizational setup wasn't
confined or closed ended.  It was very open ended.  And the top
management of the campaign was receptive of the needs of the troops.
The campaign provided a good array of online support tools through an
interface that was extremely user-friendly (and good looking), that
people were mostly free to use at will.  To view the content, people
had to register and log in, but the As far as I know, there was no
censorship of views, and criticism of some of the steps taken by the
campaign were overt.  There were blogs, materials, videos with demos
of this and that, and of course vast databases with detailed
information about voters.  The voters' database was understandably
centralized, but participants were not excluded from communicating
horizontally or taking the initiative.  In fact, the system encouraged
them (and gave them information that help them) to do so.  I
personally didn't make much use of these tools, because of my
preferences and time restrictions, but I did notice how people,
especially young people, used them extensively.

To give another example, until yesterday evening I was receiving tons
of nagging e-mails from the campaign (some triggered automatically,
using the information one provided and the history of one's
involvement in the campaign) asking me to phone Spanish-speaking
registered voters in Colorado and Nevada to make sure they knew where
their voting booth was, etc.  I only had to click a link and invoke a
list of people with their phone numbers, voting places, a script with
a questionnaire to guide my call, and fields for me to give the system
feedback about the person's response.  My wife and I were just two of
tens of thousands of people who donated millions of dollars of cell
phone time and personal time to the campaign, donations not included
in the official dollar figures.  The ability of the Obama campaign to
unleash this amount of social energy, with this level of organization,
to get him elected has no precedent in U.S. history.  In and by itself
should be a political school for any serious leftist.

Again, the genius of the campaign system was its reliance on the
generous participation of thinking, smart, interconnected people.
Nothing to do with the myth of a cult.  But, so what now?  The
campaign ended.  Well, it matters.  It seems to me that for Obama to
accomplish his goals as a president, he will need an even better form
of political organization with active grassroots.  The campaign
organization was the pilot test.  It is possible, but Obama would be a
total idiot to give up what he already helped to build, to abandon the
approach for a traditional top-bottom one.  Frankly, I doubt that
Obama is unaware that, for this approach to continue to bear fruit,
we, the people at the grassroots, need to remain strongly motivated,
i.e. we have to believe that we're doing what is right for us, our
community, the nation, the world.  An instrument of this type, this
bottom-up model of political organization is inimical, in some (not
all) ways the opposite of a traditional bureaucratic organization.  An
organization of this type is less likely to lead to mass political
suicide than the old bureaucratic type of organization.  In a limited
dose, but it relies on giving power to the regular working people.

No need to have illusions.  But any serious assessment of the campaign
suggests that the movement around Obama is a contradictory phenomenon
involving the political motion of people for a fairly progressive set
of goals, political motion that helps build the premises for genuine
self-organization and political autonomy.  IMHO, the left can only
benefit from engaging with it, rather than remaining aloof, ready to
snipe from a safe distance.

[Too tired to proofread and shorten this.]
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