---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Juan Cole <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, Nov 16, 2008 at 2:04 AM

The reviews of director Mark Forster's "Quantum of Solace" have
complained about the film's hectic pace ..., about the humorlessness
of Daniel Craig's Bond, and even about the squalid surroundings, so
unlike Monaco and Prague, in which the film is set (with many scenes
in Haiti and Bolivia). They have missed the most remarkable departure
of all. Forster presents us with a new phenomenon in the James Bond
films, a Bond at odds with the United States, who risks his career to
save Evo Morales's leftist regime in Bolivia from being overthrown by
a General Medrano, who is helped by a private mercenary organization
called Quantum.

The plot of the film was developed by producer Michael G. Wilson
during the filming of "Casino Royale." New York-born Wilson is from a
show-business family ... But Wilson did a law degree at Stanford in
the 1960s and worked for a while at a firm specializing in
international law. Outrage at offenses against international law are
as much at the heart of this film as the more personal vendettas of
Bond and Camille (Olga Kurylenko).

Kurylenko, a Ukrainian, is the first Bond girl actually played by an
actress from the former Soviet Union, and the St. Petersburg-based
KPLO, a Communist group, denounced her, saying,

' "The Soviet Union educated you, cared for you, and brought you up
for free, but no one suspected that you would commit this act of
intellectual and moral betrayal." '

The KPLO then called James Bond "the killer of hundreds of Soviet
people and their allies," which suggests why they are still Communists
-- they have difficulty distinguishing between reality and fantasy.

The St. Petersburg Communists got the politics of the work all wrong.
It is the closest thing to a progressive Bond film ever made, more
Graham Greene (admittedly, Graham Greene on steroids) than Ian
Fleming. Kurylenko, who grew up in a poor family headed by her mother,
plays a poor Bolivian girl whose family was destroyed (and her mother
and sister raped) by the haughty General Medrano. She is so
organically a figure of the left that no distinction can be made
between her private quest for vengeance on Medrano and the salvation
of the pro-peasantry government of Bolivia. [Interestingly, Bond never
sleeps with her. He did sleep with "Strawberry" Fields, a relatively
minor character. -- JD]

The Bond films were never quite rightwing as had been the novels. In
"From Russia with Love," Ian Fleming had the Soviet assassination
unit, SMERSH, deploy the crazed serial killer Red Grant for its
nefarious purposes. The films instead made SPECTRE, a private
terrorist organization, the villain, depicting it as working against
both Soviet intelligence and MI6 or British international
intelligence. (Admittedly, the films were reflecting the steps toward
detente that in some ways began with Johnson). The films were
prescient about the potential for the rise of private terrorist
organizations such as al-Qaeda as major players in their own right,
able to confound the intelligence agencies even of powerful states.

Still, East Bloc leaders and troops are often depicted as sinister. An
example is the rogue Soviet General Orloff in "Octopussy," who
conspires to set of an atomic bomb, made to look like an Amrican
device, to inspire the anti-warhead peace groups in Western Europe to
make it a nuclear-free zone, thus setting the stage for a successful
Soviet take-over. (That film implicitly configures the movement
against having nuclear warheads in Europe, spearheaded by figures such
as the leftist historian E.P. Thompson, as advocates of a surrender to
Moscow. That is about as far right a position as you could take on the
European peace groups).

The present film takes, to say the least, a different view of popular
movements of the left. Morales is not mentioned in the film, but his
movement was in the headlines while "Casino Royale" was being shot, as
he challenged the old "white" elite and was denounced by the US
ambassador as an "Andean Bin Laden" and his peasant followers (many of
them of largely native stock) as "Taliban." Morales's nationalization
of Bolivia's petroleum and natural gas and his redistribution of
wealth from the wealthy elite to villagers were among the policies
drawing the ire of George W. Bush and his cronies.

If Morales is not mentioned, Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti is. The
villain, Dominic Greene (Mathieu Amalric) remarks that while Aristide
was president 2001-2004, he raised the minimum wage from 25 cents and
hour to a dollar an hour. It was, he said, little enough, but caused
the corporations that benefited from cheap Haitian labor to mobilize
to have Aristide removed. (Aristide himself maintained that US and
Canadian intelligence connived with officers at the coup against him
and kidnapped him, taking him to southern Africa.) The Left analysis
of American imperialism in the Western hemisphere is put in the mouth,
not of a worker or ideologue, but rather of the collaborator in
capitalist exploitation of America's poor neighbors.

Note that director Mark Forster's father was from conservative
Bavaria, and that the family was forced to relocate to Davos in
Switzerland because they were targeted by the radical Baader-Meinhoff
gang after the father became wealthy on selling his pharmaceutical
company. Forster's previous film, "The Kite-Runner," sympathized with
the Afghans oppressed by the Soviet invasion and even shows one
character refusing to be treated by a Russian-American physician. That
is, Forster is no glib Third-Worldist. He and his screenwriters are
simply performing the work of the intellectual, interrogating the way
the wealthy and powerful in the Bush era casually overthrew (or tried
to overthrow) foreign governments in the global south to get at the
resources they coveted.

In the new film, Dominic Greene is a secret member of Quantum, a
mercenary coup-making consulting firm. That is, it is represented as a
private contractor to which the CIA is willing to farm out coup-making
instead of doing it directly. Greene's cover is that of the head of a
conservation organization that buys up land in poor countries to
ensure it is preserved from despoilment. In fact, he despoils it. In a
complicated and not very plausible plot twist, Greene appears to be
buying up land under which he is convinced there is oil, but in fact
is trying to corner the market on Bolivia's aquifers so as to
overcharge the country for its water after the military coup unseats
Morales.

[It's as if he symbolizes the way in which the actual neoliberal
reforms privatized Bolivian water supplies...]

The CIA is convinced to back Quantum both because it wants leftist
governments in Latin American overthrown and because Quantum would
re-privatize Bolivia's fossil fuels. Greene observes to CIA field
officer Greg Beame that the way the Bush administration bogged the US
down in the Middle East allowed several Latin American countries to
move left (obviously, the referent is Venezuela, Bolivia and Brazil).
Beame's partner, Felix Leiter (Jeffrey Wright) is uncomfortable with
the coup plot and the collaboration with Quantum.

Of course, in real life the CIA did use a private set of
organizations, the Mujahidin or Muslim holy warriors (Afghans and the
Arab volunteers who became al-Qaeda) to overthrow the leftist
government of Afghan leaders Karmal Babrak and later Nabeebullah. CIA
consultants with Hollywood have been careful, in film's such as
"Charlie Wilson's War," to play down the element here of 'blowback'
(where a covert operation goes rogue and produces an attack on the
sponsoring country).

But this Bond film is explicit that the United States under Bush has
become the bad guy, that US intelligence is in league with rogue
mercenaries and brutal, rapist-generals who plot coups against elected
governments. Bond therefore has to take on the United States
government (at one point, a SWAT team from the CIA Special Activities
Division tries to capture Bond in a bar in La Paz, but fails because
Leiter tips Bond off to their approach. The good American in this film
is the one willing to betray the US government to a more virtuous
MI6).

George W. Bush is a lurking presence in this film, and appears to have
almost single-handedly pushed Bond into championing the indigenous
peasants against the white-tie global elite. The plotting of
millionaires at a performance in Bregrenz in Austria of Puccini's
opera, "Tosca," to devastate and brutalize for their own gain the poor
of Bolivia half a world away, recalls the scene in Michael Moore's
"Fahrenheit 9/11" where Bush toasts his super-wealthy "base." He was
implicitly promising that their enterprises will be deregulated and
their taxes lowered and the costs of those things passed on to the
middle classes and workers.

The original Bond was Eton-educated, a member of the British elite,
even if he exhibited its otherwise hidden rough edges and occasionally
ruthless methods (deployed against still more ruthless opponents such
as Soviet assassination squads). Still, he defended the interests of
his social class against challengers.

With this film, Daniel Craig's bond, who is from a considerably lower
social class than Fleming's, has chosen to defy the white-tie set, and
the Bush administration's greed and lawlessness, and to stand up for
the little people (including Camille, who symbolizes Morales's
Indios). At one point the smarmy CIA man Beame rejects any criticism
from Bond of US imperialism, given Britain's own long and sordid
imperial history. But a country, and a people, always has a choice in
each generation, of whether to do the right thing. They are not
prisoners of their ancestors.

Craig's Bond is an intimation of the sort of Britain that could have
been, if Tony Blair had stood up to Bush and refused to be dragged
into an illegal war of choice, and into other actions and policies
that profoundly contradicted the principles on which the Labour Party
had been founded.

It is a sad state of affairs that Bush's America now appears in a Bond
film in rather the same light as Brezhnev's Soviet Union used to. One
can only hope that President Barack Obama can adopt the sort of
policies that can get Bond back on our side.

--
Posted By Juan Cole

-- 
Jim Devine /  "Nobody told me there'd be days like these / Strange
days indeed -- most peculiar, mama." -- JL. [This fits really well if
this movie is actually progressive, anti-imperialist.]
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