full: _http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb5730/is_/ai_n29162755_ 
(http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb5730/is_/ai_n29162755)  
A disconnect emerges between auto industry sales and employment  in Midwest 
auto states
_Manufacturing & Technology News_ 
(http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb5730) ,  _Feb 22,  2005_ 
(http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb5730/is_4_12)  
 by _Thomas Klier_ (http://findarticles.com/p/search?tb=art&qa=Thomas+Klier) 
Light vehicle sales in the United States have continued at very solid levels  
over the past several years, averaging 16.7 million units since 2001. Yet the 
 unemployment rate in Michigan--the country's most auto intensive state--has  
stayed above the national and Midwest average for more than four years. What 
is  the reason for the recent break in the relationship between motor vehicle  
production and the auto region's employment? 
What seems to be driving this development is a continued market share loss  
for domestic producers to foreign nameplates, an increasing share of which is  
being produced within the United States. For example, Chrysler, GM and Ford 
have  lost over 6 percentage points of domestic sales to foreign producers 
since 
2000,  resulting in an all-time low market share for the Big Three of 58.7 
percent in  December 2004, a drop from 73.2 percent in 1995. 
 
 
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Assuming a minimum efficient scale of about 200,000 units for a modern  
assembly plant, that corresponds to the capacity of about 10 assembly plants.  
Four 
Big Three assembly plants have been closed in the U.S. and Canada since  1995 
and another four are set to close within a year. 
In the context of the geography of the U.S. car industry that is an important 
 trend, because the production facilities of foreign assemblers tend to be  
located outside the traditional auto-producing states of Michigan, Indiana and  
Ohio. 
The economic importance of this geographic shift is magnified by the tight  
linkages between auto assembly and production of parts and components. On  
average, for every auto assembly job in the U.S. there are six in related parts 
 
and production, as well as ancillary jobs in services and transportation. More  
importantly, supplier plant locations tend to remain proximate to assembly  
plants because of just-in-time production requirements. Accordingly, the  
majority of an assembly plant's suppliers are typically located within one 
day's  
driving distance, which corresponds to about 450 miles. 
All of this suggests that the erosion of Michigan's role in the auto  
industry--both assembly and related parts--is being driven by the ongoing loss  
of 
market share rather than by cyclical factors. 
How has this recent adjustment played out in terms of employment? The  
industry shed over 155,000 jobs between 2000 and 2003. The vast majority of  
these 
are concentrated in the auto supplier segment of the industry rather than  in 
assembly operations. 
Michigan, Indiana and Ohio as a group fared worse than the rest of the  
country, losing 16.7 percent of their parts industry jobs, compared with 10.7  
percent for the remaining states. Among these three states, Michigan has fared  
the worst during the past three years, losing more than 20 percent of its auto  
supplier employment. 
Plant-level data can be used to trace the job losses for auto assembly plans  
and their "captive" suppliers (facilities owned and operated by the assembly  
companies, such as stamping or engine plants). Assembly plant employment fell 
by  just over 2 percent overall between 2000 and 2003. That loss of jobs can 
be  entirely accounted for by employment losses at domestic assembly 
facilities. 
The assembly plants of foreign companies added employment, most of it,  
however, outside the core auto region. A much bigger employment adjustment took 
 
place among the so-called captive parts plants, which are almost exclusively  
domestic captives of the Big Three. These plants shed 35,0000 jobs between 2000 
 
and 2003, more than one-quarter of their employment. 
There are two main factors behind that rather dramatic number. Plant closures 
 (including plants for which closings have been announced but not yet  
implemented) account for 28 percent of these job losses. The remaining 72  
percent 
is attributable to job reductions at existing plants, representing  
productivity improvements as well as efforts of greater outsourcing of parts  
production 
to non-captive suppliers, many of which are operating production  facilities 
outside the United States. At the same time, a small number of  U.S.-based 
foreign captives grew, but off a very small base. 
Unfortunately, there are no reliable time-series data available on  
plant-level employment in the independent auto supplier sector that would allow 
 a 
similar analysis for that piece of the industry. But the aggregate numbers for  
independent suppliers show a relative smaller loss of jobs in the  
non-traditional auto states as well. So the changing fortunes of domestic and  
foreign 
assembly plant customers appear to be profoundly reshaping the regional  
distribution of supplier employment. 
At the same time, the globalization of parts production has been slowing  
output growth from the U.S. overall. U.S. auto parts production grew by 12.8  
percent between 1997 and 2002, but during the same time, imports of auto parts  
grew by 52.1 percent. In 2003, the largest source countries for auto parts  
remained Canada and Mexico. Together these two countries accounted for 55.7  
percent of all parts imports. Imported parts from Asia represented 29 percent.  
Within that group, Japan's share has dropped by 6 percent to 18.2 percent in 
the 
 past 10 years. Imports from China have more than tripled, but off a very sm
all  base. China now accounts for 4.1 percent of all auto parts imports.
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