On Dec 21, 2008, at 3:05 PM, Louis Proyect wrote:

(A sign of the times. Uchitelle quotes Counterpunch contributor Bob Pollin.)

Uchitelle did a piece on an URPE summer conference back in 1987 (I think his summer house was nearby, so he stopped in), and Pollin has been talking with him ever since.

Doug

----

New York Times - September 1, 1987

Radical Economics in the 80's
By LOUIS UCHITELLE, SPECIAL TO THE NEW YORK TIMES

Most of the members of the Union of Radical Political Economics, which represents the nation's Marxist economists, are young college professors and graduate students. But a few old-timers from the 40's and 50's showed up last week at the organization's annual summer conference, and when one rose from the audience to call for arming the proletariat, there was an embarrassed silence.

Radical economics in the late 1980's is a milder animal. The fiery rhetoric about class warfare is gone, along with the sharp criticism of American society so characteristic of radical economists in the early 70's, the group's young years.

The members who gathered with their families at a Y.M.C.A. camp in this Cape Cod village for four days seemed far more interested in addressing current economic problems than in attacking the system. Indeed, many of the group's members are highly trained economists whose research is beginning to get a hearing among the nation's mainstream economists.

''This is a place where people of many views can gather and test their ideas,'' said Laurie Nisonoff, an associate professor at Hampshire College in Amherst, Mass.

'Capitalist Crisis' Questioned

One of the views being tested, at a rainy-morning session in an amphitheater overlooking the lake, was the concept of capitalist crisis, a basic thesis first described by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the ''Communist Manifesto'' in 1848. It holds that a capitalistic system's internal contradictions will destroy it. ''I always thought there were clear signs of the system coming apart,'' said Stephen J. Rose, an economist employed by the State Senate in Washington who helped lead the discussion. ''But I'm hesitant, after 16 years of making apocalyptic statements, to make any more.''

John Willoughby, a professor at American University in Washington who also helped lead the session, agreed. ''The system is more unstable than ever,'' he said, ''but that does not mean it is in crisis. To use the term obscures what is really happening to the country.''

But some in the audience, holding more strictly to Marxism, disagreed almost indignantly. Their reaction, in fact, reflected a dilemma that surfaced frequently at the conference: whether to enter the economic mainstream and bring radical thought to bear on various problems, as Mr. Rose has done with detailed studies of income distribution in the United States, or to stand outside and analyze the economy from a more orthodox Marxist perspective.

Arthur MacEwan, a professor at the University of Massachusetts in Boston and a founder of U.R.P.E. (the acronym, pronounced UR-pea, is frequently used in conversation), was persistent in urging that members be true to a stricter Marxist perspective. ''They are right in noting that the crisis is not about to happen,'' he said. ''But their emphasis is wrong; 'capitalist crisis' is an important and useful concept.''

But the 175 members at the conference were bent on unity, not division. They took pains to describe their group as an umbrella organization able to represent a range of viewpoints. While Mr. MacEwan is more of a traditional Marxist, David Gordon and Samuel Bowles, two well-known Harvard-educated economists, hold some views shared by mainstream liberals. Their widely read books arguing for ''worker democracy,'' or more worker control of American corporations, are sometimes cited by non-Marxists in discussions of industrial reorganization in America. A Respect for 'Das Kapital'

But Marxist doctrine is clearly the guiding principle of virtually every member, of whom there are about 1,000, with state government and labor union economists making up the largest contingent, after professors and graduate students. And the ultimate goal of the group is a society that makes worker wages and benefits, not corporate profits, the top priority.

''You might say that reading 'Das Kapital' and having a respect for it is a common denominator,'' said Jerry Sazama, a professor at the University of Connecticut.

In this framework, Teresa Ghilarducci, who teaches at the University of Notre Dame, led a session on feminist economics, a subject that until recent years the organization itself did not stress. She urged mainstream economists to gather more data on the number of women earning the minimum wage of $3.35 an hour. ''If the wage were raised,'' she said, ''most of the salary increases probably would go to women. The minimum wage is a women's issue.'' No More Political Stands

But U.R.P.E. itself no longer takes political stands, as it did in the early 1970's. ''To the extent that any of us are activists, we do it through other organizations,'' said Mr. Gordon, who teaches at the New School for Social Research in New York.

Rather, the energies of radical economists in the United States today are focused heavily on studies of the same issues that preoccupy mainstream economists: shifting income distribution, shrinking real wages, the dynamics of the emerging global economy, labor union effectiveness, the country's trade deficit and the national debt. And this December, after an unusual invitation, some of this research will get a hearing before the American Economic Association, which represents the nation's establishment economists.

Four of the panel discussions at the association's annual meeting in Chicago are being organized by radical economists - the first time this has happened. Usually, the radical economists' group sets up sessions that compete with those of the economic association. A Call for Diversity

Robert Eisner, of Northwestern University, the association's president- elect, sent the invitation. ''I think that having people who are not restricted by conventional ideas is useful,'' Mr. Eisner said.

One of the sessions will be led by Barry Bluestone, of the University of Massachusetts, a member of the radical economists' group who is well known for his studies of what he describes as the widening income disparity between the rich and the poor. Another is being organized by Juliet Schor of Harvard, who argues that the principal goal of Federal Reserve monetary policy in the Reagan years has been not to curb inflation but to protect corporate profits.

Whatever the hearing that the nation's radical economists get in Chicago this winter, however, Paul Samuelson, the Nobel laureate in economics, doubts their views will have much impact. ''My impression is that, to a degree that seems excessive to me, the profession is moving in a conservative direction,'' he said. ''U.R.P.E. is not a rapidly disseminating group.'' Some Signs of Strength

Still, the radical economists' group seems to be gaining strength. The organization's finances are sufficient to resume regular publication of the group's chief journal, the Review of Radical Political Economics, said Robert Pollin, a professor at the University of California at Berkeley and a member of the organization's steering committee.

In addition, two volumes of articles by radical economists are due out this month. And the annual summer conference, for which the group rents the Y.M.C.A. camp here, was well enough attended this year and last to make money after some losing years, Mr. Pollin said.

But within this prosperity, some disagreements flourish. They emerged in the session on capitalist crisis and in a discussion of the globalization of financial and industrial markets. William Tabb, a professor at Queens College, part of the City University of New York, argued that international capital flows and the networks of factories in many countries are largely coordinated and controlled by private business - to the detriment of workers, whose wages are cut in the interest of competitiveness.

Mr. Gordon challenged this concept, asserting that the world marketplace is beyond such private control and is a destabilizing force unless governments regulate it. The Tabb view that the global marketplace can be privately manipulated is fatalistic, Mr. Gordon said.

But Mr. Tabb insisted that the Gordon analysis leads to inadequate solutions, among them the establishment of an international regulatory agency, a proposal favored by some mainstream economists. ''It is the job of the left,'' he said, ''not to deal in marginal or incremental changes, but to reorganize society properly - a prophetic role.''


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