The New York Times / May 17, 2009
The Way We Live Now

Diminished Returns
By NIALL FERGUSON

If financial crises were distributed along a bell curve — like traffic
accidents or people’s heights — really big ones wouldn’t happen very
often. When the hedge fund Long-Term Capital Management lost 44
percent of its value in August 1998, its managers were flabbergasted.
According to their value-at-risk models, a loss of this magnitude in a
single month was so unlikely that it ought never to have happened in
the entire life of the universe. Just over a decade later, many more
of us now know what it’s like to lose 44 percent of our money. Even
after the recent stock-market rally, that’s about how much the
Standard & Poor’s 500 index is down compared with October 2007.

Financial crises will happen. In the 1340s, a sovereign-debt crisis
wiped out the leading Florentine banks of Bardi, Peruzzi and
Acciaiuoli. Between December 1719 and December 1720, the price of
shares in John Law’s Mississippi Company fell 90 percent. Such crashes
can also happen to real estate: in Japan, property prices fell by more
than 60 percent during the ’90s.

For reasons to do with human psychology and the failure of most
educational institutions to teach financial history, we are always
more amazed when such things happen than we should be. As a result, 9
times out of 10 we overreact. The usual response is to introduce a
raft of new laws and regulations designed to prevent the crisis from
repeating itself. In the months ahead, the world will reverberate to
the sound of stable doors being shut long after the horses have
bolted, and history suggests that many of the new measures will do
more harm than good. The classic example is the legislation passed
during the British South-Sea Bubble to restrict the formation of
joint-stock companies. The so-called Bubble Act of 1720 remained a
needless handicap on the British economy for more than a century.

Human beings are as good at devising ex post facto explanations for
big disasters as they are bad at anticipating those disasters. It is
indeed impressive how rapidly the economists who failed to predict
this crisis — or predicted the wrong crisis (a dollar crash) — have
been able to produce such a satisfying story about its origins. Yes,
it was all the fault of deregulation.

There are just three problems with this story. First, deregulation
began quite a while ago (the Depository Institutions Deregulation and
Monetary Control Act was passed in 1980). If deregulation is to blame
for the recession that began in December 2007, presumably it should
also get some of the credit for the intervening growth.

[nonsense! Deregulation started a long time ago but deepened more and
more and culminated with the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (1999) at the end
of the Clinton years. Then the financiers did their own deregulation,
by shopping for the regulations with the most loopholes.

[The 2008 collapse was hardly the first bubble to pop. Ferguson
forgets the Savings & Loan debacle and the high-tech/dot-com bubble of
the 1990s, which would have been much for deadly for the real economy
if Greenspan hadn't cut rates drastically (spurring the next bubble).

[Yes, all this deregulation spurred demand to grow. Of course, more
and more of it was based on credit. I doubt that dereg helped the
supply side (potential output) at all.]

Second, the much greater financial regulation of the 1970s failed to
prevent the United States from suffering not only double-digit
inflation in that decade but also a recession (between 1973 and 1975)
every bit as severe and protracted as the one we’re in now.

[nonsense! comparing the 1970s to the current collapse is comparing
peaches to rutabagas. He forgot the oil crises!!]

Third, the continental Europeans — who supposedly have much
better-regulated financial sectors than the United States — have even
worse problems in their banking sector than we do. The German
government likes to wag its finger disapprovingly at the “Anglo Saxon”
financial model, but last year average bank leverage was four times
higher in Germany than in the United States. Schadenfreude will be in
order when the German banking crisis strikes.

[nonsense! this ignores the fact that we live in a world economy,
which involves Europe as an almost-fully integrated part, at the same
time the European Central Bank and the EU seem unable to do anything
to solve the problem.]

We need to remember that much financial innovation over the past 30
years was economically beneficial, and not just to the fat cats of
Wall Street. New vehicles like hedge funds gave investors like pension
funds and endowments vastly more to choose from than the time-honored
choice among cash, bonds and stocks. Likewise, innovations like
securitization lowered borrowing costs for most consumers. And the
globalization of finance played a crucial role in raising growth rates
in emerging markets, particularly in Asia, propelling hundreds of
millions of people out of poverty.

[nonsense. No comment needed.]

The reality is that crises are more often caused by bad regulation
than by deregulation.

[this is true: the regulation/deregulation dichotomy is deceiving. The
kind of (de)regulation instituted was "bad" for the world, but good
for the short-term interests of financiers. ]

For one thing, both the international rules governing bank-capital
adequacy so elaborately codified in the Basel I and Basel II accords
and the national rules administered by the Securities and Exchange
Commission failed miserably. It was the Basel system of weighting
assets by their supposed riskiness that essentially allowed the
Enronization of banks’ balance sheets, so that (for example) the ratio
of Citigroup’s tangible on- and off-balance-sheet assets to its common
equity reached a staggering 56 to 1 last year.

[This is what the banks wanted. They had more influence than anyone
else on financial regulation, so they got it.]

 The good health of Canada’s banks is due to better regulation. Simply
by capping leverage at 20 to 1, the Office of the Superintendent of
Financial Institutions spared Canada the need for bank bailouts.

The biggest blunder of all had nothing to do with deregulation. For
some reason, the Federal Reserve convinced itself that it could focus
exclusively on the prices of consumer goods instead of taking asset
prices into account when setting monetary policy. In July 2004, the
federal funds rate was just 1.25 percent, at a time when urban
property prices were rising at an annual rate of 17 percent. Negative
real interest rates at this time were arguably the single most
important cause of the property bubble.

[this is what the financiers wanted. Alan gave them what they wanted.]

All of these were sins of commission, not omission, by Washington, and
some at least were not unrelated to the very considerable political
contributions and lobbying expenditures of the financial sector.
Taxpayers, therefore, should beware. It is more than a little
convenient for America’s political class to blame deregulation for
this financial crisis and the resulting excesses of the free market.
Not only does that neatly pass the buck, but it also creates a
justification for . . . more regulation. The old Latin question is
highly apposite here: Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? — Who regulates
the regulators? Until that question is answered, calls for more
regulation are symptoms of the very disease they purport to cure.

Niall Ferguson is a professor at Harvard University and the Harvard
Business School and the author most recently of “The Ascent of Money:
A Financial History of the World.”

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company
-- 
Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
_______________________________________________
pen-l mailing list
[email protected]
https://lists.csuchico.edu/mailman/listinfo/pen-l

Reply via email to