The New York Times / August 22, 2009

Op-Ed Contributors
A Public Option That Works
By WILLIAM H. DOW, ARINDRAJIT DUBE and CARRIE HOVERMAN COLLA

TWO burning questions are at the center of America’s health care
debate. First, should employers be required to pay for their
employees’ health insurance? And second, should there be a “public
option” that competes with private insurance?

Answers might be found in San Francisco, where ambitious health care
legislation went into effect early last year. San Francisco and
Massachusetts now offer the only near-universal health care programs
in the United States.

The early results are in. Today, almost all residents in the city have
affordable access to a comprehensive health care delivery system
through the Healthy San Francisco program. Covered services include
the use of a so-called “medical home” that coordinates care at
approved clinics and hospitals within San Francisco, with both public
and private facilities. Although not formally insurance, the program
is tantamount to a public option of comprehensive health insurance,
with the caveat that services are covered only in the city of San
Francisco. Enrollees with incomes under 300 percent of the federal
poverty level have heavily subsidized access, and those with higher
incomes may buy into the public program at rates substantially lower
than what they would pay for an individual policy in the
private-insurance market.

To pay for this, San Francisco put into effect an
employer-health-spending requirement, akin to the “pay or play”
employer insurance mandates being considered in Congress. Businesses
with 100 or more employees must spend $1.85 an hour toward health care
for each employee. Businesses with 20 to 99 employees pay $1.23 an
hour, and businesses with 19 or fewer employees are exempt. These are
much higher spending levels than mandated in Massachusetts, and more
stringent than any of the plans currently under consideration in
Congress. Businesses can meet the requirement by paying for private
insurance, by paying into medical-reimbursement accounts or by paying
into the city’s Healthy San Francisco public option.

There has been great demand for this plan. Thus far, around 45,000
adults have enrolled, compared to an estimated 60,000 who were
previously uninsured. Among covered businesses, roughly 20 percent
have chosen to use the city’s public option for at least some of their
employees. But interestingly, in a recent survey of the city’s
businesses, very few (less than 5 percent) of the employers who chose
the public option are thinking about dropping existing (private
market) insurance coverage. The public option has been used largely to
cover previously uninsured workers and to supplement private-coverage
options.

Through our experience working on health-care-reform efforts in
California and Washington (one of us worked for President George W.
Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers), we have seen how concern over
employer costs can be a sticking point in the health care debate, even
in the absence of persuasive evidence that increased costs would
seriously harm businesses. San Francisco’s example should put some of
those fears to rest. Many businesses there had to raise their health
spending substantially to meet the new requirements, but so far the
plan has not hurt jobs.

As of December 2008, there was no indication that San Francisco’s
employment grew more slowly after the enactment of the
employer-spending requirement than did employment in surrounding areas
in San Mateo and Alameda counties. If anything, employment trends were
slightly better in San Francisco. This is true whether you consider
overall employment or employment in sectors most affected by the
employer mandate, like retail businesses and restaurants.

So how have employers adjusted to the higher costs, if not by cutting
jobs? More than 25 percent of restaurants, for example, have
instituted a “surcharge” — about 4 percent of the bill for most
establishments — to pay for the additional costs. Local service
businesses can add this surcharge (or raise prices) without risking
their competitive position, since their competitors will be required
to take similar measures. Furthermore, some of the costs may be passed
on to employees in the form of smaller pay raises, which could help
ward off the possibility of job losses. Over the longer term, if more
widespread coverage allows people to choose jobs based on their skills
and not out of fear of losing health insurance from one specific
employer, increased productivity will help pay for some of the costs
of the mandate.

The San Francisco experiment has demonstrated that requiring a
shared-responsibility model — in which employers pay to help achieve
universal coverage — has not led to the kind of job losses many fear.
The public option has also passed the market test, while not crowding
out private options. The positive changes in San Francisco provide a
glimpse of what the future might look like if Washington passes
substantial health reform this year.

--------------------
William H. Dow, who was a senior economist for President George W.
Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, is a professor of health
economics at the University of California, Berkeley, where Arindrajit
Dube is an economist at the Institute for Research on Labor and
Employment and Carrie Hoverman Colla is a doctoral student in health
economics.

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company

-- 
Jim Devine / "All science would be superfluous if the form of
appearance of things directly coincided with their essence." -- KM
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