[[Blinder asks: why no financial reform?

My answers:

(1) there is no serious force that countervails the power of the
financial capitalist.  We don't have a social-democratic movement --
or any serious labor unions outside of the government and Truthout --
that could force the financiers to take their medicine. The main
battle is DC is between those promoting the finance sector's
short-term aims and those looking for long-term stability (which would
serve finance's long-term goals). But those opposed to finance's
immediate greed are largely disorganized. Manufacturing capitalists,
for example, either do not care; are falling apart (GM, etc.); or are
financial organizations themselves (GM, etc.)

(2) so far, the crisis is not as bad as that of the early 1930s. If
the entire finance sector had been allowed to melt down the way Lehman
Brothers did, _then_ the finance guys would embrace reform.
Ironically, the kind of "save" of the financial sector instituted by
Hank Paulson _et al_ and that of the real economy (via fiscal policy)
may have prevented the creation of a sufficient basis for the
financial reform that those favoring long-term stability would prefer.
It's ironic: mainstream economists have long bragged that if anything
like the Great Depression ever happened again, we would know how to
fix it.  But the fix put into place (based, more or less, on
mainstream economics) might prevent the kind of financial reform
needed to prevent a new Depression or a long period of stagnation.]]

The New York Times / September 6, 2009

Economic View
The Wait for Financial Reform
By ALAN S. BLINDER

BACK during the Obama transition, the newly designated chief of staff,
Rahm Emanuel, enunciated what I’ll call the Emanuel Principle: “You
don’t ever want a crisis to go to waste,” he said. “It’s an
opportunity to do important things that you would otherwise avoid.” He
was right. But I fear that the Emanuel Principle is about to be
violated in the case of financial reform.

We are barely emerging from the greatest financial crisis since the
1930s. From last September to March, it was downright frightening. Yet
by the time Congress left town for its summer recess, financial reform
appeared to be losing steam.

Monday is Labor Day, the psychological end of summer. So, starting on
Tuesday, it’s up to the administration and the Congressional
leadership to breathe some life into what’s left of the reform
concept.

After all we’ve been through, and with so much anger still directed at
financial miscreants, the political indifference toward financial
reform is somewhere between maddening and tragic. Why is the pulse of
reform so faint? I see five main reasons:

IT’S YESTERDAY’S PROBLEM People have an amazing capacity to forget.
Our financial system is now functioning much better than it was in
March or last fall. So the Alfred E. Neuman Principle (“What, me
worry?”) threatens to displace the Emanuel Principle.

You can see public attention shifting elsewhere — to the budget, to
health care, to torture, you name it — not to mention baseball and
football. I want to scream, “Stop!” The financial regulatory system
needs fixing, and to accomplish it, Congress will have to hold a lot
of feet to a lot of fires. It’s not clear that many members have the
stomach for that.

LOST IN THE CROWD The problem of short attention spans has a first
cousin: the overcrowded legislative agenda, which has spread the
resources and time of Congress and the administration thinly over a
vast array of issues.

There is a budget to pass, health insurance to reform, energy to cap
and trade, schools to overhaul, two wars to watch over and others to
avoid — and more. Amid all of this, the Treasury has sent Congress 16
pieces of financial reform legislation, totaling 618 pages. What are
the chances that these 16 bills will surface to the top of the
legislative agenda?

THE MOTHER OF ALL LOBBIES Almost everything becomes lobbied to death
in Washington. In the case of financial reform, the money at stake is
mind-boggling, and one financial industry after another will go to the
mat to fight any provision that might hurt it.

But your exercise instructor had it right: no pain, no gain. If we
don’t inflict a modicum of pain on financial players — not out of
spite, but because the system needs change — we will accomplish
little.

BUREAUCRATIC INFIGHTING Industry lobbyists are not the only problem.
Regulatory deck chairs need to be rearranged, and various government
agencies are scrambling to maintain or expand their turfs.

So, for example, other regulators don’t want to lose influence to the
Federal Reserve, and the Fed doesn’t want to give up its consumer
protection functions — two changes that Treasury proposes. The
bureaucratic turf wars have grown intense, with Timothy F. Geithner,
the Treasury secretary, reportedly berating regulators at a meeting
last month.

A LACK OF FOCUS Perhaps worst of all, it’s hard to keep the public
engaged in something as complex, arcane and — frankly — as boring as
financial regulation.

We have a heavily checked-and-balanced political system. To get
anything done, one must overcome both a strong status-quo bias and
powerful lobbying. Normally, that requires constituents to pressure
their elected representatives — hard.

Today, the electorate has a vague sense that it has been ripped off
and that change is needed. But the sentiment is unfocused and inchoate
— with these two exceptions: People clearly want greater consumer
protection and restrictions on executive pay.

By no coincidence, those are the two pieces of financial reform that
seem most likely to survive the Congressional sausage grinder. Don’t
get me wrong; we need both. But the two don’t constitute the entirety
of reform, or even its most important parts.

I’d attach greater importance to at least three major Treasury
proposals that may wind up on the cutting-room floor:

First, we need a systemic risk monitor or regulator. A monitor just
watches risks develop and issues warnings, while a regulator is
empowered to take action. In my last column, I explained the reasons
for wanting a systemic risk regulator, and why the Fed should get the
job.

[[as Dean Baker points out, if Alan Greedspan and the usual gang of
financial idiots -- including Blinder -- had been running the Fed and
"regulating" systematic risk in the build-up to 2008, they would have
done a really poor job, since they pooh-poohed the whole idea of
systematic risk at the time. It's like Milton Friedman's idea that the
Great Depression could have been prevented if he had run the Fed
and/or his rules had been applied in 1927 or so and after. Time is
like a river; you can't step into the same river twice. ]]

Second, we need a new mechanism to euthanize or rehabilitate giant
financial institutions whose failure could threaten the whole system.
Lehman was put into Chapter 11, with catastrophic effects. A.I.G. was
turned into an appallingly expensive ward of the state. There must be
no more situations like these. As both Mr. Geithner and Ben S.
Bernanke, the Fed chairman, have observed, we need a better way out.

Third, something serious must be done to tame — though not to destroy
— the derivatives markets. Today, virtually all derivatives trading
remains unregulated and nontransparent. Much of it also has too little
capital and, at crucial times, too little collateral behind it. The
Treasury’s draft legislation proposes to fix these problems by
standardizing many derivatives and pushing trading into clearinghouses
or organized exchanges, where more capital would be required and
collateral would have to be posted often.

And there is a great deal more in those 618 pages.

So let’s get on with the job, remembering the Emanuel Principle. There
will never be a better time “to do important things” for our financial
system.

Alan S. Blinder is a professor of economics and public affairs at
Princeton. He was an economic adviser to President Bill Clinton and
vice chairman of the Federal Reserve.

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company
-- 
Jim Devine / "laugh if you want to / really is kinda funny / cause the
world is a car /
and you're the crash test dummy" -- Devil Makes Three.
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