UNIONS MUST MOVE LEFT -- THEY HAVE NO ALTERNATIVE
Questioning the Direction of U.S. Labor
By David Bacon
Monthly Review, September 2009
A Review of Solidarity Divided
By Bill Fletcher Jr. and Fernando Gapasin
University of Californa Press, 2008
Through the 1980s I was a union organizer and activist in our Bay Area
labor anti-apartheid committee. As we picketed ships carrying South African
cargo, and recruited city workers to support the African National Congress
(then called a terrorist organization by both the U.S. and South Africa), I
looked at South African unions with great admiration.
The South African Congress of Trade Unions, banned in the 1950s, had found
ways to organize African and Colored workers underground, to support a
liberation struggle in a broad political alliance. Heroic SACTU leaders like
Vuysile Mini gave their lives on the scaffold for freedom. Then, as apartheid
tottered and eventually fell, SACTU unions became the nucleus of a new
federation, the Congress of South African Trade Unions. With roots in that
liberation war, it declared socialism as its goal, and still does today.
COSATU unions prize rank-and-file control over their elected leaders, and
engage members in long and thorough discussions of the country's development
plans. The labor federation has the most sophisticated political strategy of
any union in the world today - balanceing a leading role in the tripartite
alliance that governs South Africa with independence of program and action,
even striking to force policies that put the needs of workers before the
neoliberal demands of the World Bank. Jacob Zuma owes his election as
president of South Africa today to South African labor.
As an organizer during the same period I worked with many others to force
our own labor movement to recognize that organizing new members and changing
our politics was necessary for survival at home. If we could double our size
(at least), I thought, we'd have more power, while the streetheat generated by
the intense conflict organizing creates would set the stage for political
transformation. Needless to say, that transformation process turned out to be
much more complicated than I expected.
At the beginning of Solidarity Divided, Bill Fletcher recalls a comment
made by a healthcare unionist at a meeting in South Africa which sums up at
least part of what makes COSATU so different from the AFL-CIO. "'Comrades,'
they began, 'the role of the union is to represent the interests of the working
class. There are times when the interests of the working class conflict with
the interests of the members of our respective unions.'"
Fletcher and Fernando Gapasin, Solidarity Divided's coauthor, use the quote
to dramatize two important differences between our movements. South African
unions talk about workers' class interests, using words that still frighten
unionists here. And not only can COSATU militants see the potential conflict
that can sometimes arise, but believe that when it does, unions should put the
interests of all workers before their own institutional needs.
There are many differences between the U.S. labor movement and other union
movements around the world. In France in recent months workers have imprisoned
their bosses in their offices to force them to negotiate over the closure of
factories and job elimination. On May Day hundreds of thousands of workers
poured into the streets in Germany and Russia, and in Turkey unions had to
battle the police for the right to stand in Taksim Square. In El Salvador
unions supported the guerrilleros during a civil war to upend Central America's
most unjust social order, while their offices were bombed and their leaders
killed. In the Philippines workers commonly put up tents at the gate of a
factory on strike, and live there until the strike is over. Even workers from
Mexico and Canada use phrases like "working class" as part of ordinary
conversation.
By comparison we seem pretty conservative. Our labor movement has
resources and wealth that are enormous by comparison with most unions around
the world. But our own existence and power is just as threatened as that of
many others.
The purpose of Solidarity Divided is not to compare us unfavorably with
labor elsewhere, or to mount an unrelieved criticism of our conservatism. It
is to ask questions, so that we can come to grips with the problems that
endanger our survival. And the experience of unions and workers in other
countries, while it can't be transferred or copied, can at least inspire us
with the courage to face our own situation with realism and the determination
to change it.
Solidarity Divided has been criticized by some activists for the dark
picture it paints of the situation faced by unions in the U.S. It is not a
hopeless one, but it is certainly sobering. Few would argue that with 12% of
workers in unions there is no crisis for U.S. labor. And the authors are not
saying that workers can't win in conflicts with employers today, or with the
political system. The continuation of the Bush era was defeated in large part
by union activists, money and votes. Workers can still win major organizing
drives, as they did after a sixteen year struggle at Smithfield Foods in North
Carolina. US Labor Against the War can win labor to call for U.S. troops to
leave Iraq, and for solidarity with Iraqi workers.
But in reality, the working class here at home faces profound changes that
have fundamentally undermined its political rights and standard of living.
Over the last four decades, corporations have built an international system of
production and distribution that links together the workers of many countries,
but in which workers have no control over the expropriation and distribution of
the wealth they create. Further, this system has forced devastating and
permanent unemployment on entire generations of U.S. workers, especially in
African American and Chicano neighborhoods. Meanwhile, neoliberal economic
policies displace communities in developing countries, creating a reserve labor
force of hundreds of millions, migrating both within and across borders,
desperate for work.
Fletcher and Gapasin wrote Solidarity Divided before the current economic
crisis, which only highlights the problems they describe. Many elements of
this crisis are structural, and won't disappear with the next turn of the
business cycle. Workers increasingly can't buy back what the system produces -
the bizarre loan conditions that financed home purchases only illustrate that
thousands of purchasers didn't have the income necessary to buy housing.
For unions and workers to survive in this environment, they must demand
increasingly radical reforms. As Fletcher and Gapasin point out, the idea that
"the needs of workers can be met by the bargaining demands and institutional
needs of unions" is a relic of a vanished past.
Corporations today are almost entirely opposed to any reforms to the
current system, whether single payer healthcare or the right to a job. They've
discarded the social charter in which employers accepted the existence of
unions, under certain conditions, after World War Two. When one considers the
ferocity with which they battle the relatively minor changes in U.S. labor law
proposed by the Employee Free Choice Act, it's clear that to them the idea that
unions should be encouraged, an ideal enshrined in the preamble to the National
Labor Relations Act, is just so much meaningless verbiage.
Despite a desperate desire by U.S. labor leaders to revive mutual respect
between corporations and unions, Fletcher and Gapasin say, "that peace has not
come. Nor can these leaders, nor anyone else, identify any sector of corporate
America that intends to establish a new social compact with labor."
Each month for the last half year, over half a million people have lost
their jobs. Banks, meanwhile, have been showered with hundreds of millions of
dollars to keep them afloat, while working families can't get their loans
renegotiated so they can stay in their homes. Yet there has been no national
demonstration called by either labor federation, demanding a direct Federal
jobs program or redirecting the bailout to workers instead of the wealthy.
Remember those French workers? They're not just organizing (yet another!)
general strike protesting the same conditions, but holding their bosses hsotage.
The book, then, is about change. Where did labor's current conservatism
come from? We too have a radical past. In the U.S. people also used to talk
about the working class, debated the nature of capitalism, and discussed
strategies for radically transforming or replacing it. So what happened? Why
is it now so difficult for labor to change?
One of the most valuable parts of Solidarity Divided is its examination of
our own history. It is not a detailed academic history, but it establishes the
fact that U.S. labor has always had a left wing that advocated the organization
of all workers and radical social change, at the same time that racism limited
its potential.
William Syvis organized the National Labor Union and included African
Americans during the post-Civil War decades, yet failed to protest the end of
Reconstruction and the reestablishment of the racist white power structure in
the south. The Wobblies organized immigrants in many languages, and used free
speech fights and working class songs and music to organize a population of
itinerant floating workers. We see day labor unions developing the same ideas
today. The CIO won the crucial battle to organize the country's basic industry,
but lost its radicalism in the purge of the left, substituting a centralized
bureaucracy for earlier rank-and-file democratic traditions.
To change, we need to reexamine the ideas and strategy that are part of our
own inheritance. But we also need to come to grips with the purges that drove
that leftwing culture underground.
One of the most important reasons why change is so hard for U.S. unions is
the continuing legacy of the cold war. Fletcher and Gapasin make a crucial
contribution in urging a reexamination of the cost paid for the suppression of
the left. That period may seem long ago, but it fundamentally shaped the
relationship between leftwing activists and their ideas, and the centers of
power in modern unions. "Today the dominant coalition of traditionalist and
pragmatist union leaders continues to shape union culture," they say, "whereas
leftists get coopted or marginalized. This situation limits the union
movement's scope and narrows unions' political and social impact." Although
Solidarity Divided has a rare analysis of the role of new left militants in
unions during the post-Civil Rights years, it offers no comment on why those
activists made so little effort to come to terms with the history that created
the conservatism against which they rebelled.
No pair of authors can write a prescription for change - "just do what we
say and your problems will be cured." But they can urge us not to be afraid of
facing the truth, and Gapasin and Fletcher do that.
Discussion in labor is difficult because the cold war taught unionists that
political differences beyond a limited range would result in marginalization at
best, expulsion at worst. You can't talk freely if you're afraid for your
career or your job. That cold war straightjacket strengthened a hierarchical
structure and culture, very differnt from the egalitarianism in COSATU or
Salvadoran unions. We have forgotten the wobblies' idea that we're all leaders,
equals among equals. At the same time, unions have accumulated property,
treasuries, and political debts, and have an interest in defending them, making
institutional needs paramount. We don't challenge the government out in the
streets beyond a certain point becaaue we don't want to risk not being at the
table when the deals affecting our future are made.
Fletcher and Gapasin spend a great deal of the book analyzing the various
efforts to change labor's direction following the election of John Sweeney as
president of the AFL-CIO at the New York convention in 1995. One important
reason for the halting and incomplete nature of these changes was the failure
to come to grips with what had come before. Labor needed then, and still needs
today, its own truth commission, to publicly discuss the consequences of the
anticommunist hysteria of the 1950s.
Radical ideas and the language to describe them continue to be illegitimate
because their suppression has been unacknowledged. After 1995, the prevailing
attitude in national leadership was, "We don't need to rehash the past. Let's
concentrate on where we're going now." It's difficult, however, to determine
that new direction if you can't talk about where the old one was headed, and
what was wrong with it. Nowhere is this confusion more evident than in labor's
attitude toward U.S. foreign policy. In Colombia the barriers to solidarity
with its leftwing union federation came down, and unions like the Steel Workers
became bastions of support for its embattled unionists. Yet next door in
Venezuela, U.S. labor supported coup plotters against the radical regime of
Hugo Chavez. Under pressure from US Labor Against the War, the AFL-CIO publicly
rejected U.S. military intervention in Iraq. Yet the Democratic Party's
support for war in Afghanistan and
for Israel's attack on Gaza are greeted with silence.
Change is always uneven and incomplete, but the change process in U.S.
labor has virtually stopped, leaving unions increasingly caught up in internal
divisions and conflict. Solidarity Divided was written before the current
internal struggle between SEIU and its California healthcare local, and its
intervention into battles within UNITE HERE. But these are conflicts over the
basic issues raised in the book - class partnership vs. class struggle, and the
right and ability of union members to control their own organizations.
Lacking agreement on how and why the power of unions was undermined by the
suppression of the left, there has been no consensus on what should replace the
old cold war philosophy. Much of Solidarity Divided, then, is devoted to
description and analysis of the different ideas about how labor should be
revitalized, some good, some at best ineffective, and some awful.
Both authors write as "participant observers," Fletcher as a highly-placed
staff member at SEIU, then education director at the AFL-CIO and special
assistant to Sweeney, and Gapasin as a local union leader, labor council head,
and labor and ethnic studies professor at UCLA. They were there for many of the
arguments and movements they describe, and they outline some of the most
important efforts to get the union movement to change direction - Jobs with
Justice, the Los Angeles Manufacturing Action Project and others.
They pay particular attention to the "organizing model," which was
developed in opposition to the philosophy of business unionism, in which
members pay dues and receive in exchange union services, as though a union was
an insurance program rather than an organization built to fight the boss. But,
the book says, "reformers began to worship member mobilization and activism,
certainly a component of a vibrant trade unionism, without much discussion of
who should do the mobilizing, what the objectives should be, and what methods
were approporiate."
An even bigger problem with this model, however, was that it has so little
interest in the education of workers about the nature of the society in which
they live. A deeper understanding (that is, greater class consciousness) can
lead to ideas for alternatives, both in radical reforms of the existing system,
and even its replacement. This kind of education, part of the normal life of
unions in South Africa or El Salvador, requires an investment of time, and a
real interest in how workers think. People act autonomously based on their
ideas, and workers with greater understanding and consciousness are able to
lead themselves and each other, rather than acting solely on directives from
above. Further, while education doesn't necessarily produce immediate
mobilizing results, it does treat workers as the people whose thinking, and
eventually whose leadership, is the key element in building a union.
Instead, Fletcher and Gapasin point out, the mobilizing model produces
unions that are directed by fulltime paid staff, in which workers play a
subordinate role. At worst, workers become almost irrelevant in a numbers game
in which the size of the union is what counts, rather than creating an
organization they can learn to use to challenge the employer at work to win
better wages and conditions.
Fletcher was himself the creator of the most ambitious effort in decades to
educate union activists and local leaders, a program called "Common Sense
Economics." Strangely, Solidarity Divided has no discussion of that
experience. There are some other puzzling omissions, especially the impact of
the North American Free Trade Agreement. That treaty caused a huge debate in
labor which coincided with the rebellion that eventually brought Sweeney into
office. It marked a watershed in the growing awareness among U.S. workers of
the impact of globalization, and brought forth important new movements of
solidarity, especially between unions and workers in the U.S. and Mexico.
Solidarity Divided has an important section on globalization, but it sees
it mostly in terms of military domination. But what is new about the role
workers play in this system? Are the anti-globalization movemennts sweeping
Europe and the developing world allies of the labor movement? Do they propose
real alternatives, or are they united primarily by a common hatred of
capitalism?
NAFTA and the battle in Seattle at the WTO not only profoundly affected the
thinking of workers about the future of their own jobs, but they also set the
stage for the huge debate over immigration that followed. Those workers and
unions who were educated by the debate were in a much better position to
understand the way neoliberal reforms displaced workers and farmers in Mexico,
and led to migration across the U.S./Mexico border.
The debate over immigration policy now puts critical questions before U.S.
unions. Are unions going to defend all workers (including the undocumented),
or just some? Should unions support immigration enforcement designed to force
millions of workers from their jobs, so that they will leave the country? How
can labor achieve the unity and solidarity it needs to successfully confront
transnational corporations, both internally within the U.S., and externally
with workers in countries like Mexico?
Understanding that NAFTA hurt workers on both sides of the border is a
crucial step in answering these questions, providing the raw material workers
need to understand globaliztion. But raw material is just that. Workers and
unions need an education process, and educators, who can help turn that raw
material into consciousness and action. In more radical times, that role of
educator was played by leftwing socialist and communist parties. Since this
kind of organized left presence in labor is so small today, it is unclear what
can take its place. Solidarity Divided helps in presenting the question, but
no one has a good answer today for this one.
Fletcher and Gapasin call for a new kind of unionism. "The current
framework of U.S. trade unionism is so fundamentally flawed," they say, "that a
new framework is needed. With that new framework will inevitably come new
organizational structures, but forging new structures without defining the
moment and defining the framework would simply create new problems." Arguing
that the kind of structural proposals that led eventually to setting up the
Change to Win federation are meaningless without a change in political
direction, they call for discarding the body of ideas that guides unions today.
They condemn the effort to reduce every problem to a question of pragmatic
organizing tactics, while essentially seeking a strategic partnership with
corporations and the government.
"We call this new unionsim social justice solidarity," Fletcher and Gapasin
say, and contrast it with "pragmatic solidarity," which sees alliances only in
terms of what they can offer to help unions win immediate battles. Using as
examples the anti-apartheid movement, the solidarity movement with Central
America, and even the broad oppostion to WalMart, they declare that "social
justice solidarity begins with an important assumption - that unions are
workers' organizations engaged in class struggle (whether they like it or not)
rather than corporations."
It is unfair to expect the authors to come up with quick solutions to such
deeply-rooted problems, so many years in the making. And absent the kind of
discussion they urge, any suggestions for a new direction are going to sound
very general. Their most important contribution is to put the questions. The
labor movemenet is full of intelligent activists, most with a deep loyalty to
their class and a real commitment to social change. Any change in direction
depends on their willingness to call for a much deeper discussion that can look
for answers.
There are no experts here. There are no leaders with quick fixes. It is
time for us all to take responsibility for the future of our own movement. As
the pair state in conclusion, "the U.S. union movement must become part of a
new labor movement. To do so, unions must move left; they have no alternative."
Solidarity Divided is a critical contribution to that effort.
-- __________________________________
David Bacon, Photographs and Stories
http://dbacon.igc.org
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