From: Carrol Cox

At the heart of Marx's work is a critique of political economy, which
(following Postone) I have elsewhere argued is NOT the same as a
Critical Political Economy. It is that critique that makes available to
us a perspective on capitalism which makes the overcoming of capitalism
a _necessity_ (a necessity_ independetntly of either the possiblity of
success in that struggle _or_ the desirability of any alternative to
capitalism. We must destroy capitalism as a drowning woman must reach
the surface of the water. (Luxemburg: Socialism or Barbarism," not a
mere moral exhortation but a grim perception of the possibilites open to
humanity.)

^^^^^^^
CB: My position on Luxemburg's idea is that it was fulfilled already
by Nazism coming to power in Germany  i.e. that was barbarism ; and it
was instead of socialism.   However, now the aphorism recovers some
validity with the existence of so many nuclear weapons.

^^^^^^^


I do not ascribe the same centrality to other features of Marx's work,
though I quite frequently agree wtih his arguments. Robert Albritton
argues, incidentally, that once capitalism is overcome historical
materialism will no longer retain its present importance. Whether that
is  true or not, it seems to me a reasonable position. Human thought did
not cease with Marx.

^^^^^
CB: I've been saying the same thing as Albritton for a while. In fact,
I think it is Marx and Engels' position too. Historical materialism is
a theory of the history of class exploitative and oppressive society.
If and when classes are abolished, the motion of society will then
take on a different "motor" , be based in different contradictions;
the struggles will be different.  Marx and Engels discuss this in
terms of leaving the kingdom of necessity for the kingdom of freedom,
freedom being the mastery of necessity and all that.

By the way, historical materialism was not applicable to pre-class
society either, most of the time of human existence. Marx and Engels
were not clear on this at first, as in _The German Ideology_. With
ethnographic study, they started to become aware of it. Engels added a
footnote to the first sentence of the _Manifesto_ - the _written_
history of hitherto existing society. Writing is invented at about the
same time as private property.

^^^^^
The point about scripture is that it is a merit to believe it. I have
often argued with you  in the pasdt that it is NOT a primary concern of
Marxists to persuade others of the truth of Marxism. The Movement we are
in is not a Marxist movement, it is a socialist movement, and even the
leadership of a successful revolution will not consist wholly of
Marxists. If one recognizes the validity of his Critiqu4e of Political
Economy, that does give you, as Marx & Engels argued, a powerful point
of departure for perceiving the interest of the whole in the struggles
of the few. (My paraphrase.) That _can_ give to Marxists an advantage in
the overall discussion of strategy and tactics in various struggles, but
many in the past, in the present, and no doubt in the future who are not
Marxists will certainly achieve the same advantage from other starting
points. Marxists who assume what might be called "World View Marxism,"
that Marxism is the truth of everything, tend to disable themselves as
particpants in the struggle. But that is another question.

^^^^^
CB: Yes, I think this is pretty much true, although I think this
thread has been more specifically about Marxists having blueprints or
plans for socialism.

As to "World View Marxism" , I think materialist dialectics is a
revolution in philosophy or "ending philosophy", so Marxism is also a
Critique of Philosophy. It is one of the first robust philosophical
underpinnings for the modern natural sciences, i.e. it is materialism.
It  also has importance for law. Notice Political Economy concerns
both economics and politics. Marxism says important things about the
state.  In _The Origin_ , Engels demonstrates some of its significance
for what is now anthropology.Historical materialism is a theory of
history.

Notice the above is not "everything". So, no Marxism is not the truth
of everything.
However, it is important for more than political economy. It has
importance for parts or aspects of what is called now the "social
sciences" or "human sciences".  That is, it provides minor/partial
critiques or modifications of areas other than political economy, such
as linguistics or literature.

Marx and Engels explicitly said that Darwin's was their method in
natural history, not meaning that Darwin was a Marxist. So, Marxism
recognizes the validity of methods not discovered by Marx and Engels
in other disciplines, particularly natural history or the natural
sciences. In the Soviet academic system, the main division was between
history and natural history.

> Contingency and uncertainty mean that we may be closer to the
> revolution than it seems, and that it is not possible to pronounce
> socialism as "in the future not in the present." The Russian
> Revolution was a surprise to most of the world.

What this would mean in practice is that we are closer to the rising of
a mass movement, made up both of revolutionaries and
non-revolutionaries, marxists and non-marxists, socialists and
non-socialists, than we are aware of. That is possible.
^^^^^^^
CB: Just as most were not aware that so many White voters would vote
for a Black person for President last year , a major step in abating
White supremacy.

^^^^^

That's why I'm
still working in the local anti-war group, why I contine to join in
discussions on pen-l and lbo. This discussion, for all I know, might be
contributing to the rise of such a movement. And if such a movementdoes
arise, it will be plagued with those who will accept only a perfect
movment, one that guarantees its results. They will notice flaws in the
immediate goals of some local or even natioanal compponent of the
movement, and will attack the activity in the name of some allegtedly
more correct version of what that movement will do if it comes into
power. You can see analogues of this happening all the time. Most
recently those who attacked the only possible slogan of the anti-war
movemetn, Bring the Troops Home Now, in the name of a more nuanced
program which could be entered into Congressional  Legislation. But such
a nuanced demand belongs in the seminar room, not in the process of
getting people together, since any movement worth a damn will includ
people with sharply different ideas and perspectives on the future. A
complex program is by its nature sectarian and limits the growth of any
movmement.

^^^^^
CB: Agree

^^^^

And of course no two people will _ever_ (in the abstract and
independently of mutual involvement in immediate struggle) agree on any
detailed description of what socialism should be.

^^^^^
Carrol


CB: Yeah, probably nobody should take the time to write a detailed
description of the same until we are well into the process.   However,
a plan proposed as a hypothesis with an attitude that it will be
modified by practice is very important. As Marx said, it is distinctly
human to plan what we build, but besides that it would be a bad idea
to fly by the seat of our pants on such an important project.
Spontaneity is, of course, overrated by bourgeois idealists of
certain philosophical tendencies.
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